Understanding the Crisis in Sudan

Instances of discontent within colonial military establishments in Africa have largely been ignored by historians of colonial Africa. The heavy focus on the incidence of coups in the historiography has helped to obscure the privations suffered by African soldiers in colonial armies. Using the Sierra Leone experience, this study draws on hitherto untapped archival material to examine the complex causes of the “Gunners' Mutiny” of January 1939. While showing that the causes of mutinies could be significantly nuanced, the study helps to bridge a vital gap in Sierra Leone's history.     

走近苏丹婚俗

苏丹位于非洲东北部,濒临红海,国土面积约占非洲总面积的8%,是非洲面积最大的国家,同时又是一个拥有多达600多个部族的多民族国家.作为非洲民族成份最复杂的国家,苏丹既不是纯粹的阿拉伯家园,也不是简单的非洲黑人的国土.从苏丹人的婚俗中便能感受到这个国家的奇妙之处:非洲风情和伊斯兰文化在这里对立、排斥,却又不得不紧紧地糅合在一起.就像来自埃塞俄比亚高原的青尼罗河和来自维多利亚湖的白尼罗河,千回万转,却不得不在喀土穆汇成一条尼罗河,奔腾不息地向地中海流去……     

试析中国在苏丹西部达尔富尔地区冲突中的立场

本研究主要关注从2003年到2008年12月中国对苏丹西部达尔富尔地区冲突的立场。苏丹国内和国际上都有人指责中国与苏丹政府之间存在着特殊关系,向苏丹政府提供了无条件的支持。中国也被指责阻碍了旨在推动苏丹政府和平解决达尔富尔冲突、停止该地区蔓延的暴力活动的国际决议。这在很大程度上困扰了中国外交,使中国外交投入了宝贵的精力和时间,来为自己的立场辩护,并在国际舆论面前改善自己的形象。实际上,这是对中国在达尔富尔冲突中立场的误读,忽视了中国立场的转变和为冲突解决所发挥的积极作用。     

南苏丹公投对非洲局势的影响

2011年2月7日,苏丹南部公民投票委员会宣布苏丹南部公投的最终结果,结果显示,98．83％的选民支持南部地区从苏丹分离。随后苏丹总统巴希尔宣布承认和接受这一最终结果。南苏丹公投这一关乎苏丹分与合的重大事件,在改写苏丹历史的同时,必将改写非洲历史。南苏丹公投将对非洲局势产生如下四个方面的影响。     

State rules: Oil companies and armed conflict in Sudan

The strategic behaviour of international oil companies in war-torn Sudan was overwhelmingly driven by political pressure from governments. After almost 20 years of operating in Sudan, the US giant Chevron was pushed to withdraw as a result of deteriorating relations between Washington and Khartoum. The Canadian flagship oil company, Talisman, which helped kick-start oil development after Chevron's exit also fell victim to Washington's ire. On the other hand, the European junior oil companies, Lundin and omv, protected by the European Union's political standpoint of ‘constructive engagement’ in Sudan, were free to profit. Finally, the eastern parastatals, led by a surging China, eager to capture international energy resources to fuel their budding economies and supported by the plural relationships fostered between their respective governments and the ruling, riverine elite in Khartoum, tactfully established a dominating presence. While fervent international human rights advocacy alone seemingly drove susceptible Western firms out of Sudan, the real power behind corporate movements came from the rules dictated by states.     

Contemporary youth movements and the role of social media in Sudan

Youth activism in the last decade has become increasingly associated with new media technologies. The “Arab Spring”, it can be argued, prompted much interest among academics, policymakers and others on the intersection between youth, activism and social media. Although oftentimes seen as threats to authoritarian states, youths have become agents of change in the eyes of international foreign policy developers who claim to be keen on progressive and inclusive governance. This paper reflects on the role of social media in the recent (2011–2013) activism of Sudanese youth, who have taken centre stage at demonstrations calling for regime change, and adopting mechanisms similar to their counterparts in the Middle East/North Africa. While political forms of activism may have been more prominent in the Arab Spring, this paper argues that social media plays a key role in both political and community engagements of contemporary urban Sudanese youth, perhaps pointing to future possibilities.     

在庆祝中苏建交50周年暨苏丹各界欢迎中共代表团访问大会上的讲话

中共中央政治局常委、中央政法委书记周永康访问苏丹期间，于当地时间11月17日下午在喀土穆出席“庆祝中苏建交50周年暨苏丹各界欢迎中共代表团访问大会”并发表重要讲话。讲话全文如下：     

Why and How Civil Defense Militias Emerge: The Case of the Arrow Boys in South Sudan

This article uses a collective-action framework to study the mobilization of the Arrow Boys (AB), a community defense militia in South Sudan. Drawing on general collective-action explanations, this article argues that the mobilization of the AB was facilitated by two factors: (1) a strong overlap of the fighter's private and the community's public benefit and (2) close social relationships and expectations within the community. The article supports these theoretical claims by, first, examining the scope conditions under which the AB formed and, second, drawing on individual interviews with AB members from Western Equatoria in South Sudan.     

苏丹：站在统与分的十字路口——苏丹北南关系的历史演变和发展前景

1月9—15日,苏丹南方举行公投,决定留在统一的苏丹内还是成为独立国家。此次公投是落实苏北南双方2005年签署的《全面和平协议》的重要步骤,将决定苏丹这个非洲面积最大的国家的前途命运,     

专访苏丹全国大会党对外关系部部长、总统顾问 穆斯塔法·奥斯曼·伊斯梅尔

记者：自2002年中苏两党建立关系,尤其是2003年签署两党合作议定书以来,两党保持了良好互动,尤其近年来两党高层互访不断．机制化交流全面推进您如何看待两国、两党关系？您认为党际交往对两国关系的发展有何促进作用？     

Learning peace (and conflict): the role of primary learning materials in peacebuilding in post-war Afghanistan,South Sudan and Sri Lanka

Post-war education is usually considered a positive contributor to peacebuilding; however, it can also reinforce divisive perspectives. Textbooks and learning materials can be instrumental in maintaining or exacerbating existing inequalities. This paper uses case study literature reviews of Afghanistan, South Sudan and Sri Lanka to explore the ways in which primary learning materials extend existing challenges of post-war education and potentially create new ones. An analysis of the literature on learning materials from these countries reveals that textbook development and uses are intertwined with larger national and international political and social power structures. We draw from Bourdieu and Giroux to consider how learning materials contribute to the reproduction of cultures of hostility, violence, divisiveness and silence or to transformatory cultures of peacebuilding, inclusivity and critical thought. Our resulting conceptual lens highlights how education can take on the role of being a victim, accomplice or transformer of conflict – roles that are often overlapping. Each case study country is taking steps towards peacebuilding through their primary learning materials; however, there are many elements of the textbook design, development, production and distribution process in each country that also reinforce contributing factors for conflict.