Electoral and Political Changes: the Impact on Political Bureaucratic Relationships in Scottish Local Government

This paper explores a fundamental issue in public administration: the political bureaucratic relationship or political administrative interface. Much of the research and writing hitherto has been at central government level; and while important work on local government exists, relatively little exists on local government. The paper makes an important contribution to the field by researching aspects of the political administrative interface in the context of significant electoral and political changes in Scottish local government, which introduced single transferable voting and multi member wards. The research found an increase in intensity of senior bureaucrats' political management roles, a greater bureaucratisation of political and policy roles, increased scrutiny yet mixed findings about democratic processes. The approach and findings open up the research field and the paper concludes by suggesting some areas of future research potential.     

未成年人刑事和解对话会——从“一纸协议”到恢复、治疗、协商并融

少年刑事司法改革应当服从刑事审判工作全局,也要充分体现少年司法工作的特殊性和专门性。所以,在未成年人刑事和解过程中,应当秉承未成年人“优先保护、全面保护”的司法理念,建立并利用未成年当事人面对面和解对话会这一模式,在积极维护被害人的利益,修复被损害的社会关系的同时,帮助未成年被告人（被害人）彻底回归社会,实现未成年人刑事和解的目的和价值。     

Administrative Styles in the OECD: Bureaucratic Policy-Making beyond Formal Rules

As we know from comparative public policy, bureaucracies contribute to a considerable degree to the contents and the ways of policy-making. One important driver of administrative policy-making are their specific “styles” or “cultures”. “Administrative styles” are understood here as the standard operating procedures and routines that characterize the behavior and activities of administrative bodies in initiating, drafting and implementing policy. In this article, we convey the concept of Administrative Styles to the level of International Organizations (IOs) and apply it to the Organization for Economic Development and Co-Operation (OECD). The article proceeds in three steps: First, the concept of administrative styles is introduced and refined. Drawing on expert interviews with OECD staff, we secondly show that consideration of OECD administrative styles significantly advances the literature’s understanding of the organization. Finally, we give an outlook on new research avenues and the relevance of our findings for the study of International Public Administrations (IPAs) more generally.     

From Awkwardness to Action Christian Voluntarism in Denmark Beyond the Sector Model of Civil Society

International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society - The article challenges the theoretical “sectoral model” of civil society through a historical case study and offers an...     

Bureaucratic Corruption and Income: Evidence from the Land Sector in Bangladesh

We examine, for the first time, the effects of corruption on income using household survey data from a developing country. Estimating the effects of corruption on income is challenging because of the simultaneous relationship between the two variables. We use a two-step instrumental variable approach to identify the effects of corruption on income. We find that after adjusting for simultaneity bias the act of bribery reduces income and that higher bribes have a negative effect on income. Taken together, our results provide a possible explanation why a vicious cycle between corruption and income inequality does not exist in the land sector in Bangladesh.     

从传统走向现代:变革中的日本经济模式

20世纪90年代以来 日本经 济一直没有走出泡沫经济破灭后的经济低迷状态,至今仍在经济不景气的困境中徘徊,尚无迅速转入经济增长的明显征兆。为什么60年代以后被称为西方经济“优等生”、创造了持续、稳定、高速增长奇迹的日本经济,在经济的信息化、全球化发展过程中,竟然如此一蹶不振、步履维艰呢?一言以蔽之 是日本经济增长模式不适应新技术条件下经济增长模式,在世界性产业结构调整中反应迟钝的结果。     

后阿拉法特时代的领军人物--阿巴斯

在今年1月9日巴勒斯坦大选中胜出的阿巴斯,一向被认为是巴解组织中地位仅次于阿拉法特的"二号人物".虽然阿巴斯没有阿拉法特的魅力,但是他仍然在巴勒斯坦的组织机构中占有十分重要的地位,受到美国和以色列政府的另眼相看.长期以来,阿巴斯作为阿拉法特的亲密助手,为中东和平进程做出了突出贡献.     

伊朗核问题最终需要通过外交谈判和平解决

最近一个时期以来,伊朗核问题就像坐上过山车一样,时起时伏,险状频生：在大多数时间里,美国和伊朗在伊朗核问题上强烈较劲,互不退让,武力对抗似乎一触即发,2010年4月21日,美国总统奥巴马在公布其新的核政策时,宣布将伊朗从美国不进行核打击的非核国家中单列出来,公开对伊朗进行核威胁,双方的矛盾进一步激化。多年来,这种动荡局面反反复复地出现。     

From the Faith-Gap to Post-Liberalism

T he historian G ary W ills has aptly pointed out that, culturally speaking, the outcome of the recent A merican election may have taken us back to the time before the S copes M onkey T rial . M ore A mericans today believe in the immaculate conception than in evolution. F orty-three percent describe themselves as born-again C hristians . A arthur S chlesinger J r. argues there are today more evangelicals, a key constituency of the first faith-based presidency in A merican history, than mainline P rotestants .     

From the Cradle of the Nation to the Most Expensive Serbian Word: Changes in Serbian Public Language in the Last Decade of the Twentieth Century

Russian National Unity (Russkoe Natsionalnoe Edinstvo—RNE) is the largest militant fascist group in Russia today. The founder and leader of the RNE, Aleksandr P. Barkashov, speaks of himself as a national‐socialist, and praises Hitler's deeds for Germany. The RNE has pledged to establish a system of ethnic segregation in Russia were it to come to power.     

从NAFTA到USMCA:投资争端解决机制的变化、成因及启示

2020年7月生效的《美国—墨西哥—加拿大协定》在投资争端解决机制上一改《北美自由贸易协定》下偏重对投资者权利保护的“新自由主义”精神,回归对国家规制权能的重视。在适用对象、适用争议、适用程序上作出变化与革新。全球价值链收缩及“慢球化”、投资争端解决机制的内在合法性危机以及对东道国规制权力的削弱,是国际投资争端解决机制发生变化的深层次经济、法律与政治动因。《美国—墨西哥—加拿大协定》投资争端解决机制的变化与革新将进一步推动“卡尔沃主义”的回归以及加剧国际投资法体制内部的碎片化趋势。中国应积极支持及推进投资争端解决机制改革,使其发挥正面作用,同时辩证吸收“卡尔沃主义”的合理因素,积极探索诸如前置协商、投诉与帮助以及调解等解决投资者与东道国之间投资争议的多元渠道。     

From authoritarianism to political democracy in Grenada: Questions for U.S. policy

Beginning as early as 1498 when Grenada had its initial contact with metropolitan forces, this island state has experienced little of the political democracy U.S. President Reagan pledged to restore to the country as part of the 1983 intervention. Yet, for the 1984 elections that followed the toppling of the remaining vestiges of the 1979–83 revolution, the United States and selected Caribbean allies attempted to amalgamate a party as an alternative to the Grenada United Labour Party (GULP) and the remaining revolutionary forces. The resulting New National Party (NNP) was electorally successful in 1984 but by 1987 defections from the Party had produced a base for the National Democratic Congress (NDC). In 1989 the NNP again divided. It was thus predictable that the 1990 elections would not return either wing of the National Party and instead would result in a coalition government led by the NDC. Chances for real political democracy in Grenada are improved but will not be easily realized in the face of severe economic crisis and a potentially weak government. The economic crisis could well promote current movements toward increased regional integration. It is important that the 1983–1984 pledge of the United States to promote democratization in Grenada be honored. W. Marvin Will is associate professor of comparative politics in the Department of Political Science at the University of Tulsa. He is past president of the Midwest Association of Latin American Studies and a founding member of the Caribbean Studies Association. Will has done extensive field research in the Caribbean and is the recipient of a 1991–92 Fulbright Research Fellowship for Caribbean Research. He is co-author of a forthcoming book on the Pacific and Caribbean Basins.     

融入与隔离：从打工妹到卖淫女的角色转变——对某市收容教育所女学员的个案研究

本文从社会学的视角，运用个案研究方法，通过对某市收容教育所女学员的非结构式深度访谈，描述和分析这些流动女童/女青年从普通的打工妹向卖淫女的角色转变过程，笔者将这一过程分为三个阶段，最后探讨了影响她们发生角色转变的原因。