Isoliert oder gut vernetzt? Eine vergleichende Exploration der Publikationspraxis in der PVS

Citations and co-publications are one important indicator of scientific communication and collaboration. By studying patterns of citation and co-publication in four major European Political Science journals (BJPS, PS, PVS and ÖZP), we demonstrate that compared to the conduits of communication in the natural sciences, these networks are rather sparse. British Political Science, however, is clearly less fragmented than its German speaking counterpart.     

Die Dimensionalität der Reichstage der Weimarer Republik von 1920 bis 1932

We analyse the dimensionality and the positioning of parliamentary party groups and single MPs in the parliament (“Reichstag”) of the Weimar Republic on the basis of all recorded votes between 1920 and 1932. On the basis of studies on the milieu-boundedness of German parties and theoretical accounts on the dimensionality of parliaments in general we develop hypotheses regarding the number and characteristics of dimensions that structured voting behaviour in the Weimar Reichstag. The expectations are tested with a full sample of recorded parliamentary votes. The results, which are based on item response models, show that two dimensions structured MP’s decision-making: this is, first, an economic left-right axis and, secondly, a pro vs. contra Weimar Republic dimension. Additionally, our results provide support for recent studies on intra-party conflict inside the German national conservatives.     

Rationalitätsdefizite in der Biopolitik

Zusammenfassung  Der Fortschritt der molekularen Medizin und der Biotechnologie ist zu einem fundamentalen Faktor der gesamtgesellschaftlichen Orientierung geworden. Ethische und politische Beurteilungen der biomedizinischen Entwicklung bleiben schwierig. Einerseits macht diese politische und rechtliche Ma?nahmen erforderlich, andererseits wird von „politischem Missbrauch“, einer besorgniserregenden „Ethisierung der Forschungspolitik“ bzw. einer „erschreckenden Politisierung“ der bioethischen Debatte gesprochen. Die Schwierigkeiten, die sich bei der übertragung von wissenschaftlicher Expertise und moralischen überzeugungen in biopolitische Normierungen zeigen, erweisen sich als Symptome weitreichender Rationalit?tsdefizite in der Biopolitik, die sich an der politischen Semantik in den Grenzbereichen von biomedizinischer Forschung, ethischer Beurteilung, politischer Steuerung und politikwissenschaftlicher Analyse ablesen lassen. Besonders kritisch zu betrachten sind in diesem Kontext Adaptionen bestimmter „Public-Reason“- und Diskurs-Modelle, die ihrerseits Rationalit?tsdefizite aufweisen. Als problematisch erweist sich in diesem Zusammenhang ein verbreiteter Vorbehalt, der im Namen der Demokratie gegenüber Ans?tzen der politischen Philosophie vorgebracht wird. Die politische Philosophie kann indessen als „Rationalit?tsreserve“ dienen, auf die angesichts von Defiziten im Bereich der Explikation biopolitischer Leitideen und demokratietheoretischer Begründungszusammenh?nge nicht verzichtet werden kann.      

Zur Theorie der Interessenvermittlung: Ein Netzwerkansatz dargestellt am Beispiel der Gemeinsamen Europäischen Agrarpolitik

Recent policy network studies contribute significantly to the theory of interest mediation. Despite this contribution policy network approaches still contain major theoretical deficiencies and a lack of empirical application can be observed. In this context a typology of systems of interest mediation is theoretically derived on the basis of new developments in the political exchange theory (Pappi/Henning 1998a). Analogously to the typology of economic markets, the typology corresponds to the social organization of political exchange in policy networks. Further, it is demonstrated that in contrast to conclusions found in the literature no general correspondence of specific types of interest mediation and policy-outcomes in terms of weak versus strong states, efficient versus inefficient economic policies and biased versus unbiased mediation of societies interests can be expected. In the empirical part of the paper the typology is applied to the European Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) using policy network data. In particular, a block model analysis is applied aggregating a set of multiple network relations among a multitude of public and private actors operating in the CAP to identify whether the overall social macro structure corresponds to national clientelism or supranational pluralism.     

Verhandeln statt Argumentieren oder Verhandeln durch Argumentieren? Eine empirische Analyse auf der Basis der Sprechakttheorie

In a recent debate in German political science the terms ?bargaining and arguing“ have been construed as semantic opposites in the same dichotomous way as the terms ?strategic action and communicative action“ and ?game theory and discourse theory“. This paper rejects the notion of these dichotomies and presents a new theoretical approach to distinguish bargaining and arguing as modes of communicative resolution of conflicts. On the basis of speech act theory a method for the empirical analysis of bargaining and arguing processes is developed and demonstrated with an example of interest conflict resolution by mediation. Three conclusions can be drawn: First, in empirical processes of communicative conflict resolution, in almost all cases both arguing and bargaining will be present. Second, within the context of an interest conflict, arguing is not an alternative to bargaining, but a means for bargaining. Third, in the example in question a sequential structure could be observed: The resolution of disagreements over facts and values by arguing took place before the resolution of interest conflict by bargaining.     

Die Deutschen und die Türkeifrage: eine Analyse der Einstellungen zum Antrag der Türkei auf Mitgliedschaft in der Europäischen Union

In this paper, I examine the sources of support for Turkey’s EU-entry in the German public. I propose several models and explore their respective empirical validity using survey data gathered in May and June 2005. The analysis shows that neither trust in the federal government nor evaluations of the EU institutions play a role in attitudes toward Turkey’s bid for membership. By contrast, attitudes towards this issue are considerably affected by preferences about EU enlargement and, more strongly, by beliefs about whether Turkey at least partly belongs to Europe. Likewise, when forming attitudes towards Turkey’s bid for EU membership, Germans appear to consider the presumed consequences of including Turkey in the EU. Both East and West Germans are particularly likely to take consequences for regional security into account. The paper concludes with a discussion of several implications for German public opinion on this EU issue.     

Begrenzte Rationalität und regulatives Lernen in der EG: die Liberalisierung der Elektrizitätsversorgung

The article analyses the liberalization of the EC electricity supply industry. Confronting the intergovernmental approach, the case study is based on the premise that the member state executives act within the limits of a bounded rationality and do therefore not always represent clear and fixed interests in EU negotiations. Taking the examples of France and Germany, it shows that the national positions and preferences may change greatly during the course of the decision making process. While the French positional changes may be reasonably well explained by the intergovernmental approach, the German preference changes are attributed to effects of the EC institutions and negotiations. Institutional principles, policy-concepts and fairness criteria guide member state orientations and behavior and hinder the pursuit of unilateral advantages. Incremental negotiation techniques within the Council induce learning processes and cause reassessments of the domestic situations. Furthermore, the EC decisions may cause behavioral changes which clearly surpass their regulatory content even if they contain extensive flexibilisation mechanisms.     

Parteien, Vetospieler und der Wettbewerb um Wählerstimmen: Die Arbeitsmarkt-und Beschäftigungspolitik der Ära Kohl

The paper develops a model to explain the labour market and employment policies of the Christian-liberal coalition in Germany between 1982 and 1998. It takes partisan theory as its starting point, but expands it by taking into account the effects of party competition and veto players as well. For the first period of observation, the years 1982 to 1989/90, only moderate reforms can be observed. This can be explained by the fear of the coalition that more far-reaching reforms could exert negative effects on its electoral performance on the one hand, and by the strong influence of the labour union wing of the Christian democratic party on the respective policies on the other hand. During the first years after German unification the government could not implement far reaching partisan reforms either. This was due to the necessity of reacting to the external shock of the unification and the problems associated with it. Only during the last three years in office the coalition was able to push through more coherent reforms due to the huge problems on the labour marker which put the government’s re-election at risk. These reforms could be carried through because the CDU’s labour wing had lost its veto power and because the Bundesrat’s approval was not necessary.     

Thesen zur Reform des Föderalismus der Bundesrepublik Deutschland

Der vorliegende Beitrag skizziert die besonderen Strukturen des deutschen F?deralismus, hebt seine Leistungen hervor, benennt seine Schw?chen, er?rtert seinen Reformbedarf und diskutiert die Chancen seiner Reform. Es wird gezeigt, dass eine Strukturreform des F?deralismus in Deutschland aufgrund von politisch-institutionellen Bedingungen besonders schwierig ist. Deshalb kann nur ein Teil des Reformbedarfs mit Aussicht auf Erfolg zum politischen Thema gemacht und in Reformvorhaben umgesetzt werden. Das bel?sst erhebliche Lücken zwischen Reformbedarf und Reformf?higkeit. Allerdings sind die Reformgrenzen mit den Leistungen des deutschen F?deralismus zu verrechnen. Diese Leistungen sind beachtlich, wie der internationale Vergleich und das Erreichen f?deralismusspezifischer Ziele, insbesondere Machtaufteilung und Integration, aber auch Einbindung der Opposition zeigen. überhaupt nicht gerüstet ist der F?deralismus (und mit ihm die Politik insgesamt) dafür, ein hochwahrscheinliches — aber derzeit kaum beachtetes — Folgeproblem des „sozialen Bundesstaates“ der Bundesrepublik zu bew?ltigen: Die Finanzierungslasten ihres leistungsstarken Sozialstaats erzeugen bedrohliche Engp?sse in der Finanzierung ?ffentlicher Ausgaben jenseits der Sozialpolitik.     

Experimente in der Politikwissenschaft: Vom Mauerblümchen zum Mainstream

The use of experimental research designs is on the rise. Internationally, experiments are becoming ever more established in the field, as shown by the increasing number of journal articles, books, and conferences. In German political science, however, using experimental methods is still rather uncommon. After a (brief) discussion of the relevance of experiments for political science, we will—in general terms—introduce the logic of experimental research as well as different types of experiments. Then we shall provide a (selective) overview of experimental research in political science that has been conducted: First, we cursorily review the state of (experimental) research done in the fields of elections and public opinion, public goods and collective action, social trust and finally legislative bargaining and decision-making. Following that, we discuss in greater detail the field experimental strand of research studying voter mobilization.     

Öknomik der deutschen Wiedervereinigung: Erfolge, Probleme, Chancen

Ohne Zusammenfassung Rezension zu: Thomas Lange und Geoff Pugh: The Economics of German Unification. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar 1998, xxiii, 209 S., ￡ 49,95.     

Das Bundesverfassungsgericht im politischen System der BRD – ein unbekanntes Wesen?

This article argues that the Judicialization hypothesis as a dominant research paradigm in the literature on the Bundesverfassungsgericht leaves out a number of relevant aspects. Rather, the court should be understood as being embedded in an area of competing interests among government, opposition, courts, litigating citizens and public opinion. The article identifies the institutional links between actors and relevant research questions. Finally, it discusses the theoretical, methodological and empirical challenges for further research on the Bundesverfassungsgericht.     

Strategisches Wählen bei der Nachwahl in Dresden zur Bundestagswahl 2005

During the German federal elections in 2005 one peculiarity occurred which had considerable consequences. Due to the death of a district candidate in Dresden, there was a by-election in this district two weeks after the regular date. As a consequence, the electors in Dresden already knew the election results in the rest of Germany, when they cast their votes. This circumstance offered many of them a golden opportunity to vote strategically. This article proves that they indeed seized this chance and discusses the legal consequences and theoretical implications of that evidence.