实验主义治理：公共治理的一个新路径

实验主义治理秉持以现实问题为导向和以经验证据为支撑的实证理念和循证品格,在纵向放权的基础上通过目标设置、差异探索、治理评估、政策迭代和政策扩散等机制探寻政策改进和治理优化的可行路径。作为一种新的治理模式,它的兴起是为了应对治理复杂性的挑战、弥补科层式治理的不足和探寻治理现代化的路径等。实验主义治理模式注重纵向放权、公众参与和多元协作,改善了公共治理主体间的关系,提升了治理的参与性、科学性和有效性,是科层式治理模式的重要补充。但在实践中,实验主义治理也面临着法治困境、创新困境和合作困境等现实难题。在我国推进治理体系与治理能力现代化的背景下,应当协调好实验主义治理中创新与法治的内在张力,完善治理体制与机制,提升实验主义治理的实践效能,从而使其在全面深化改革进程中发挥更大的作用。     

新形势下进一步推进高校党风廉政建设的思考

党的十七大以来,高校大力开展党风廉政建设工作,积累了丰富经验,并取得了明显成效。但随着高校参与经济活动越来越频繁,党风廉政建设工作遇到了许多新情况和新问题,存在认识不清晰、体制机制不完善、组织机构不健全、监督乏力等不足。这些问题的存在严重制约着高校党风廉政建设的发展水平。因此,在新形势下全面推进高校党风廉政建设,必须把党风廉政建设纳入高校教育事业发展和党的建设全局之中：全面摸清实情,增强渗透力;加强制度建设,提高保障力;增强监督实效,提升制衡力;创新体制机制,扩大影响力。     

From process consultation to a clinical model of development practice

This article argues that two related concepts, process consultation and, in particular, the clinical perspective, developed by the organizational psychologist Edgar Schein, can improve the understanding, teaching and conduct of development practice. Process consultation, which is more than just the application of so-called process approaches, and the clinical perspective are described, and the case for them is put, in relation to contrasts with ethnography and action research and in the light of contemporary debates about the relationship between development studies and development practice. Five particular aspects of the clinical model—the primacy of the ‘helpful intervention’, the subservience of science to helping, its client centredness, its recognition of interventionists’ financial and political status, and its overt normativeness—are seen as particularly relevant to development practice. In conclusion, the clinical model is seen to pose four challenges for development studies: the creation of development's own theory of practice, the establishment of rigorous practitioner training programmes, the consequent institutional change, and an acknowledgement of the implications of development studies’ disciplinary biases. © 1997 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Public Admin. Dev. Vol. 17 , 325–340 (1997). No. of Figures: 0. No. of Tables: 0. No. of Refs: 48.     

行为控制制度的数学模型与制度强度——疑罪从无制度有效条件分析

长期以来,行为控制制度研究的主要领域是政治学、制度经济学、法学、历史学等定性研究领域,而运用数学工具对其进行研究的不多。以管理实践中广泛应用的“疑罪从无”为例,给出了制度的回报概率描述与博弈树描述,制度有效条件的数学模型描述等研究方法。特别是给出了制度有效条件的数学模型,以及制度的观测力度、控制回报差异、自然回报期望值差异,行为成本差异等重要概念,指出在维持制度的有效性的前提下,这些因素之间的制约关系。这些都可以推广应用于各种制度的研究中,为制度研究提供了定量分析与统计观测的新方法。     

立法后评估中的公众参与“虚置”及治理路径

作为检验立法实效、提升立法质量、促进法律体系完善的立法后评估制度已逐渐在全国范围内展开实践。然而,在这种多方主体的博弈中,公众当前只是一种被动型或者功能型的“虚置”参与,无法发挥其积极性、主体性的作用。公众参与立法后评估的实践困境具体表现为:参与主体的构成失衡、参与内容的模糊、参与方式的“指令化”及参与效果的抑制。要突破这一困境,须正确认识公众参与评估的价值,从意识、制度、参与的指向及参与效果等方面构建参与路径,实现立法后评估中公众参与的有效性和制度化。     

The Strength of Perpetrators—The Holocaust in Western Europe, 1940–1944

On average, two‐thirds of the Jews in German‐controlled territory during World War II did not survive. However, the degree of victimization varied considerably, depending on the area examined. In Poland, the Baltic States, the Protectorate of Bohemia‐Moravia, Greece, the territories of Yugoslavia and the Netherlands, more than 70 percent of Jews were killed. In Hungary and the occupied territories of the Soviet Union, the number of Jews killed was close to the average. In Belgium, Norway, France, Italy, Luxembourg, and Denmark, a majority of the Jews survived. At the same time, the structure of Nazi rule over Europe before and during World War II was characterized by a wide variety of administrative regimes. So far, research has not systematically linked different degrees of Jewish victimization to different kinds of administrative regimes. Did different forms of administrative regimes result in differing degrees of Jewish victimization during the Holocaust? The present paper presents both evidence and an operationalization for a related general hypothesis.     

Asymmetrical Government: Multinational States in an Integrating Europe

The premodern European state was asymmetrical and differentiated.From the nineteenth century, with the rise of democracy, thepenetration of the state into society and later the demand fordistributive equity, asymmetry was less acceptable. Nonetheless,asymmetrical elements remained, and territorial intermediationwas an important feature of the nation-state. In the late twentiethcentury, the reemergence of minority nationalism, the restructuringof territorial politics, and the weakening of the nation-statein the face of globalization and European integration have allfostered a new asymmetrical territorial politics. Europe itselfis developing asymmetrically and, within states, national minoritiesare seeking a new place in Europe. The United Kingdom, Spain,and Belgium illustrate these trends. There is no model of theasymmetrical state to replace the old paradigm, but there isa variety of experiences to support it. This process will bemanageable as long as Europe does not itself develop state-likefeatures or a nation-building project of its own. Instead, itshould, while providing a capacity for common policymaking anda common system of basic rights, remain an ambiguous realm ofauthority, allowing competing national projects to coexist.     

丹尼尔·贝尔对马克思的三重误读

基于所处时代哲学任务的需求,马克思恩格斯在阐述其理论时强调经济基础的作用,而鲜有对文化领域的观照。而马克思逝世后,科技理性所带来的巨大影响、国际工人运动的走向、资本主义和社会主义社会结构的发展以及现代性危机的涌现,似乎与马克思理论的阐述都有所不同。如此种种,引发了西方学者对于马克思文化观、社会发展理论的误读,以及对现代性问题实质的误判,出现了经济决定论、唯物史观过时论等论调。其中,丹尼尔·贝尔则是这种思潮的代表,他以“意识形态终结论”“资本主义文化矛盾”“后工业社会”等大观念为基础,构建了西方社会发展的理论体系,却无不映现其曲解、否定马克思主义,宣扬历史唯心主义观念论的错误。从马克思的社会发展理论、文化观和现代性问题三个层面对贝尔的误读进行梳理和回应,可澄明马克思主义理论的生命力和解释力。     

基层公职人员经济违纪因素实证分析

针对现阶段基层公职人员经济类违纪发案率较高的实际情况，根据文献研究结论、纪检办案流程研究与办案人员经验总结等，确定了基层公职人员经济类违纪因素的18个问卷调查指标，随机问卷调查了104件基层公职人员经济类违纪案件。对问卷调查结果进行探索性因子分析，萃取出5大类违纪共性因素，即法纪保健因素、思想道德因素、工作激励因素、监督制约因素、廉洁自律因素。以处分结果变量为因变量、萃取出的5大类因子作为自变量，采用逐步多元回归分析方法，得出违纪的基层公职人员3大类经济类违纪主要因素，即法纪道德因素、思想道德因素和监督制约因素。根据实证研究的结果，提出了加大查案力度，强化廉政教育，加强监督制约等预防建议。     

Objectification and the contraditions of bourgeois power: Sartre and the modern prison

The state, it is often and correctly said, is a social relation. The apparatuses of the state are not simply instruments for the use of one class or another, not just techniques of domination, but are themselves embodiments of bourgeois power relations. Thus the modern prison, for example, is bourgeois, not because of its uses or control, but in the very organisation of power that pervades it. Uncovering the bourgeois character of this power relation through an examination of Bentham's model prison, the Panopticon, is one task of this paper. Sartre's critique of objectification appears as a critique of the tyranny of society in general, and this is the way in which Sartre himself sees it. However, its real object of analysis is precisely the power relations of bourgeois society. Sartre's genius lies in the clarity of his perception of the contradictions inherent in these relations; his failure lay in his inability to see their historical character. As a result, his critical humanism reflects, but never gets beneath the surface of these contradictions. Separating the rational kernel from the mystical shell of Sartre's critique is the route taken here toward an understanding of bourgeois power.     

Speed,Wealth and Power

In many of his texts French cultural critic, city planner and philosopher Paul Virilio emphasises that speed is not a phenomenon, but a relation between phenomena. The difference between contemporary society and societies of the past consists in the fact that earlier speed used to be mainly connected with transport, now it concerns relations within information. The question of speed is central. Speed and wealth go hand in hand. To give a philosophical definition of speed, we can say that it is not a phenomenon, but rather the relationship between phenomena. In other words, it is relativity itself. Virilio’s influential books analyses new problems resulting from the fact that the development of industrial capitalism has reached the stage in which wealth and power in society have been interconnected with ever increasing speed. In view of Virilio’s statement that wealth is an aspect of speed it has become necessary to consider speed and all its aspects and consequences through a prism of a new discipline – dromology. Dromology originates from the Greek word dromos. Hence dromology is the science of the ride, the journey, the drive, the way. This means that speed and riches are totally linked concepts. And that the history of the world is not only about the political economy of riches, that is, wealth, money, capital, but also about political economy of speed. Text analyzes the two main themes. Firstly, the treatise attempts at an philosophical analysis of – dromology. Dromologic revolutions cause artificial acceleration of speed in the form of steam or combustion engine, or, nowadays, nuclear energy and they immediately form both e.g. waging wars and kinds of communication. The second part of the study discusses the difference between contemporary society and societies of the past. Vehicles of speed create new dromospheric chronology, new tracks and nodal points (ports, roads, airports, telecommunications etc.) through which things, goods, money, weapons, people or information will start flowing within a different structure.     

‘Venona’: the British dimension

‘Venona’ remains the greatest secret of the Cold War yet to be declassified, and offers the pieces of a jigsaw that, when assembled and interpreted, reveals the identities of dozens of Soviet agents who participated in GRU and NKVD networks across the globe between 1940 and 1948. Among them, operating in London, were Professor J.B.S Haldane, codenamed ‘Intelligentsia’, and Lord Swaythling's son, the Honourable Ivor Montagu, appropriately codenamed ‘Nobility’. Contained in the sometimes partially decrypted texts are clues to hundreds of other, as yet unexposed, spies, active in Australia, Mexico, Sweden, the United States, Britain, and numerous other countries. Betrayed by William Wiesband and Kim Philby, the ‘Venona’ project failed to find the traitor known as ‘Baron’ inside the wartime GCHQ, but was responsible for the arrest of Klaus Fuchs, confirming the guilt of Alger Hiss, Donald Maclean and the Rosenbergs, supporting the allegations of Whittaker Chambers and Elizabeth Bentley, and sparking off molehunts on three continents. ‘Venona’ sheds important new light on the assassination of Trotsky, Soviet penetration of the Manhattan project at Los Alamos and Berkeley, and reveals high-level espionage in the White House, OSS, the State Department and virtually every government department in Washington DC.     

我国离婚率变动趋势及离婚态人群特征分析

从概念辨识入手,利用权威数据,描述近几十年我国离婚率和离婚态的变动趋势及水平。研究发现:我国的离婚率持续增长,超过日本与韩国;因年轻人口总量减少,可结婚人的比例下降,离婚结婚比持续上升。数据分析显示,1982年以来,我国离婚态占比单调上升:就人群特征而言,35-49岁年龄组、男性、中等教育程度人群(1990年除外)、商业服务人员和办事人员(1990年除外)离婚态占比最高,女性的离婚态占比较之男性上升趋势更为明显;就地域分布而言,各省处于离婚态人群的占比呈西高东低、北高南低趋势,东北地区及西部省区城市人群离婚态占比最高。离婚率和离婚态的持续攀升是多重制度、城镇化与市场化结构、家庭与个体特质等因素综合作用的结果。离婚不仅透视出家庭的不稳定性,损害(部分)家庭成员福祉,而且可能引发更大范围的负面效应。在尊重当事人意愿的前提下,必须从源头、过程和后果上加强对离婚行为的社会治理,减少不必要的离婚现象。     

Deep Presidency: Toward a Structural Theory of an Unsustainable Office in a Catastrophic World—Obama and Beyond

Modern and postmodern theories of the presidency tend to place the American president on a continuum of power, asserting the need for either a more active or less active chief executive. From the seminal work of Richard Neustadt, celebrating the assertive president seeking to maximize power and leadership, through the contrasting view of historian Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. and others who sought to restrict the reach of the executive, scholars have battled over the appropriate balance of power—particularly the executive-legislative scale. From an alternative critical/structural view of the office, this expansive-restrictive debate, while important, misses the central point that regardless of party, personality, or management style, all presidents seek the same structural goals. If, as Theodore Lowi has argued, the president is the “state personified,” then we need to ask how the capitalist state shapes and constrains the imperatives presidents must pursue, given our political economy and the ideology that sustains it. Two core imperatives emerge for the literature on theories of the state: the pursuit of economic growth and the provision of “national security.” This article explores debates over theories of the presidency in the light of twenty-first-century challenges to conventional definitions of “growth” and “national security.” In the face of global climate change and the decline of US military and geopolitical preeminence, can the presidency break free from its imprisonment in orthodox notions of growth and national security to forge a more sustainable path for the nation and the office? And more broadly, if our way of life in fact undermines our way of life in an unsustainable self-defeating logic, absent a cataclysmic crisis, what, if any, role can the president play in fostering a deep change of direction? By challenging the power structure of the political economy, a critical/structural theory of the presidency is best situated to address such questions.     

利益表达、资源动员与议程设置——对于“闹大”现象的描述性分析

在当前社会转型时期的利益冲突中",闹大"已经成为公民抗争的重要逻辑。本文以近年来大量具有闹大特点的社会事件为研究对象,从理论上归纳了闹大的发展过程,概括和抽象了闹大的逻辑,并在公民与政府关系的框架下,从利益表达、资源动员和议程设置三个方面对闹大的功能性作用进行了深入的描述性分析。从利益表达的角度分析,闹大主要涉及到谁来表达、如何表达以及表达了什么的问题;从资源动员的角度分析,闹大的主要问题是动员的对象、动员过程的特征和动员的机制等问题;从议程设置的角度分析,闹大则与公民成为问题的界定者、问题是如何引起政府官员的注意的以及由谁用什么办法来解决问题等密切相关。闹大是透视公共治理状况的一面镜子。对闹大的描述性分析有助于深入把握和理解当前我国公共治理的规律和逻辑。     

The Rising Power of the Prime Minister in Finland

During the past two decades, the Finnish political system has gradually changed from a semi-presidential to a nearly parliamentary one. This process was finalized with the drafting of the new constitution in 2000. Four factors in particular contributed to the parliamentarization of the Finnish constitution. Firstly, the breakdown of the Soviet Union also broke down the tradition of highly personalized, presidential rule in Finnish–Soviet relations. Secondly, Finnish membership of the European Union increased the need to integrate the Finnish cabinet in decision making on foreign affairs. Thirdly, because of the stabilization of cabinets, based on the increased coalition elasticity and coalition capacity of the political parties, there was not as much need, or room, for presidential intervention as in earlier decades. Fourthly, after the highly personalized tenure of President Urho Kekkonen, there was, among the political parties, a reaction against personalized presidential rule. The new constitution is to a large extent based on cabinet-centred governance, although steps towards ministerial governance have also been taken. There are, however, many non-constitutional factors giving rise to a new kind of prime-ministerial governance. Among these are: (1) internationalization of politics, (2) growth of the public sector, (3) convergence of party ideologies, and (4) a new kind of personalized political publicity.     

Social security: a program and policy history

Many of the federal and state programs that provide income security to U.S. families have their roots in the Social Security Act (the Act) of 1935. This Act provided for unemployment insurance, old-age insurance, and means-tested welfare programs. The Great Depression was clearly a catalyst for the Social Security Act of 1935, and some of its provisions--notably the means-tested programs--were intended to offer immediate relief to families. However, the old-age insurance program-the precursor to today's Old-Age, Survivors, and Disability Insurance, or Social Security, program-was not designed specifically to deal with the economic crisis of that era. Indeed, monthly benefit payments, under the original Act, were not scheduled to begin until 1942. In addition, from the beginning, the Social Security program has embodied social insurance principles that were widely discussed even before the onset of the Great Depression. The first four decades of the Social Security program were, in general, ones of expansion. In fact, the program was expanded even before it became truly operational. In 1939, amendments added child, spouse, and survivor benefits to the retirement benefits authorized by the 1935 Act. Those amendments also allowed for monthly benefits to begin in 1940. Although the program was not changed substantially during the war years and the initial postwar period, the 1950s were a transformational decade in the program's history: benefit amounts were increased substantially, coverage under the program became close to universal, and a new disability insurance benefit was offered. The 1960s witnessed additional growth in Social Security, but the most important development in social insurance occurred in health insurance, with the creation of the Medicare program in 1965. Legislative actions in the 1970s had profound effects on the Social Security program and, indeed, set the stage for many of today's reform debates. Large benefit increases, a new benefit formula that was erroneously generous, and other changes in the early 1970s created a situation in which annual program costs, as a share of gross domestic product, increased during a 12-year period from about 3 percent to 5 percent. In 1977, amendments to the Act corrected the flawed benefit formula and made other changes in the financing of the system to shore up the program. Thus, the 1970s represent a watershed in the program's history-program growth gave way to increasing concerns about the program's finances. Those concerns were reflected in the amendments to the Act in 1983, which were the last major changes to the program. These amendments, based largely on recommendations from a commission chaired by Alan Greenspan, adjusted benefits and taxes to address pressing near-term financing problems faced by the system. Although the Greenspan Commission focused to a large extent on short-range issues, the resulting reforms have generated large surpluses in the program and the buildup of a substantial trust fund. However, the looming retirement of the baby boomers and several other demographic factors will, according to projections, result in the exhaustion of the trust fund by 2042.     

Rancière,religion and the political

In the past few decades, the ‘return of the religious’ has been a recurrent theme in popular and academic discourse. From debates regarding the permissibility of religious dress and symbols in the public sphere, to questions of the integration of Muslim immigrants, concerns about the rise of the Christian Right in American politics and the role of Islam in the uprisings of the Arab Spring, a great deal of attention has been accorded to the presence of religion and religious subjects in the public sphere. Such has been the importance attached to accounting for, categorizing and contending with this phenomenon that it has attracted the attention of many of the major figures in contemporary social and political thought. However, the ideas of Jacques Rancière, one of the foremost figures in contemporary political philosophy, are noticeably absent in these discussions. In this article, I take up the task of investigating how Rancière's political philosophy can be brought to bear on debates surrounding the relationship between citizenship, religion and the political. I argue that his reconceptualization of politics, democracy and political subjectivity makes apparent the limitations, and even futility of current debates between advocates of secular universalism and those of religious pluralism, and, through assisting in the critical analysis of the public presence of religion, provide an opening for the potential emergence of alternative forms of community and political subjectivity.     

The interpersonal voice: applying appraisal to the rap and sung voice

Following in the traditions of Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) and social semiotics, this paper applies the linguistic system of appraisal to the mode of sound. More specifically, it aims to describe and compare the interpersonal properties of the rap and sung performance voices. In doing so, this paper also aims to provide analysts with a systematic, principled method by which to identifying interpersonal meanings in sound. Drawing on various aspects of the appraisal framework, and the respective sound features of the rap and sung voice, this paper offers three approaches. The first approach employs the grammatical frames used to classify the attitude sub-systems of affect, judgment, and appreciation. The second approach is more general in scope and analogizes from the sound systems of melody, time, and voice quality to the appraisal systems of attitude, engagement, and graduation, respectively. The third approach applies the concept of binding to the distinctive sounds of the rap and sung voice. The paper concludes by considering some future directions for this research.