联合国安理会改革面面观

2004年12月2日,“威胁、挑战和改革问题高级别小组”向安南提交了一份题为《一个更安全的世界:我们的共同责任》的联合国改革建议报告(简称“名人小组报告”),其中就安理会改革推出A、B两套方案。“名人小组报告”的出台标志着联合国新一轮改革正式启动。2005年3月21日,在基本认可该报告的基础上,安南向联大提交了《大自由:实现人人共享的发展、安全和人权》报告(简称“安南报告”)。报告最引人注意的是安南为安理会改革设置了时间表,强烈敦促各国在2005年9月联合国首脑会议之前就这一关键问题做出决定。日本、德国、印度、巴西“四国集团…     

联合国安理会否决权之争

所谓联合国安理会的否决权,是指表决联合国非程序性事项的决议时,任何一个常任理事国的反对(即否决票)都会使这个议案无法通过的权力。但弃权不被视作是否决。一、联合国安理会否决权来历联合国安理会的否决权起源于二战期间的敦巴顿橡树园会议。在这次会议中,美国总统罗斯福提     

安理会有关伊拉克问题决议一览表

1990年8月2日,伊拉克出兵侵占科威特。同日,联合国安理会作出要求伊拉克立即无条件从科威特撤军的第660号决议,8月6日,安理会通过对伊实行强制性全面制裁的第661号决议,标志着国际制裁的正式启动。此后,联合国安理会就伊问题通过了一系列决议,迄今已有63项之多,现简介如下。     

Multilateralism in a unipolar world: the UN Security Council and Iraq

The end of the cold war brought a new era in international politicsthat had the potential for creating a more cooperative and peacefulworld. At the heart of this ‘new world order’ wasto be the United Nations Security Council, which would finallybe able to fulfill its obligations under the UN Charter. Inthe immediate post-cold war years it appeared that this optimismwas well founded as the Security Council became increasinglyactive in authorizing peacekeeping and peace-building missions.Just over a decade later, however, the crisis over Iraq againbrought serious concerns regarding the UN's purpose and legitimacy.This article examines the circumstances surrounding the recentUN Security Council dispute in order to illuminate the meritsof multilateral cooperation. It also asks, more fundamentally,whether multilateralism can be sustained in a unipolar world.     

对联合国安理会改革的几点思考

安理会常任理事国现有成员组成是二战结束时国际权力结构的缩影。随着冷战结束、全球化发展,新兴大国崛起,国际权力发生了重大变迁,但这种变迁没有达致改变现有国际权力结构、变动安理会常任理事国组成的地步。在条件未成熟时突击变动联合国核心权力结构,改变安理会常任理事国的成员组成,可能导致联合国重蹈国联覆辙,或安理会分帮结派,使联合国出现分裂倾向。     

In Search of a European Dimension in the UN Security Council

Both Belgium and Italy want to give their current mandate in the UN Security Council a European dimension. Yet, the conclusion that they are natural partners in doing so may be premature. Before focussing on Belgian and Italian objectives, the article presents the current state of the ongoing reform processes in Brussels and New York and of EU actorness in the Security Council more generally, as both are critical for estimating the prospects for a stronger European profile. It concludes by discussing the possibilities and constraints that the non-permanent members face within this framework.     

论日本争当安理会常任理事国问题

为实现成为安理会常任理事国的目标,日本进行了多方努力,积极参加联合国名义下的各种活动,推动联合国改革,积极做各成员国的工作,但困难和阻力仍不小.日本能否实现其既定目标,既取决于自身的条件,更取决于他国特别是亚洲国家的信任程度和世界形势尤其是大国关系的发展变化.     

安理会气候变化与安全辩论:共识、分歧及其逻辑

联合国安理会内气候变化与安全的辩论已经持续十几年之久,但是这些辩论并未达成有关气候变化与安全的普遍性决议。既有的研究文献大多利用安全化理论来描述和解释这个过程,但是缺乏解释力和叙事的完整性。安全化理论的一个重要局限是忽视安全化进程中听众的能动性,因此无法对安理会气候变化与安全辩论的整个进程和结果提供令人信服的解释。作者建立了一个新的比较分析框架,据此对这些辩论的逐字会议记录进行了较为完整的分析,并提出辩论中其实存在着两种话语实践,代表着对气候变化的安全风险和应对途径的两种认知和逻辑,而不仅仅是安全化的途径和逻辑。从政策的角度看,安理会内气候变化与安全辩论虽然存在有限的共识,但面临着巨大的认知差异、话语竞争和逻辑分歧,通过具有约束力的普遍性决议的政治可行性较低,以《联合国气候变化框架公约》为基础的全球气候变化治理机制是应对气候变化问题的最具权威性、合法性、普遍性和专业性的治理安排。中国作为安理会常任理事国,不仅应维护该机制的主渠道地位,也应在安理会气候变化与安全辩论中发挥更大作用。     

Power and Rhetorical Bargaining: The UN Security Council Debate on the Iraq War

The UN Security Council (UNSC) was an important arena of confrontation between the major powers during the recent pre-war crisis on Iraq, yet the realist-materialist focus of IR theory does not provide a useful perspective for analysing the debate and the ensuing defeat of American interests. This paper seeks to establish the meaning of “power” within a rhetorical context, applying insights from Searle's theory of institutional facts, constructivism, and self-presentation theory. Rhetorical strategies are then examined empirically by means of thematic and structural analyses of key texts from the UNSC debate on Iraq.     

非盟在"增常"问题上的立场透视

随着联合国“增常”活动日趋激烈,非洲国家的选票炙手可热,拥有53个成员国的非盟成为“四国联盟”、“团结谋共识运动”及美国等各方拉拢的对象,非盟的态度成为安理会改革第一阶段“向何处去”的关键因素。这与八国集团首脑会议时非洲需要各方“拯救”的形象似乎大相径庭。非洲以一个声音说话加强了其在安理会改革中的作用。在迄今“增常”方案中,非洲表现出空前一致。尽管在谁代表非洲成为联合国安理会常任理事国的问题上,非洲国家意见不一,但各国以大局为重,在非盟旗帜下,搁置争议,于7月13日提出了统一的“非盟方案”,要求联合国给予非洲2…     

发挥安理会重要作用维护国际和平与安全

首先,感谢阿登纳基金会邀请我出席此次研讨会。当今世界,老问题悬而未决,新问题层出不穷,人类和平与发展面临诸多挑战。世界的未来充满变数,究竟何去何从,这将取决于我们如何判断形势和应对挑战。此次会议为我们集思广益,共谋和平与发展大计提供了良好机会。我祝愿会议取得成功。     

安理会在利比亚设立“禁飞区”的背景及作用

今年3月17日,联合国安理会通过第1973号决议,决定在利比亚设立“禁飞区”,禁止“除执行人道人义救援和撤侨任务外的所有飞机”在利比亚领空飞行,并授权成员国采取“不包括向利比亚派遣地面部队的一切必要措施”,保护利比亚平民及其居住区免受武装袭击的威胁。决议还决定对利比亚实施武器禁运和财产冻结等制裁措施,并要求利比亚冲突双方立即实现停火,     

试论布什政府与联合国改革

2003年3月,美国绕过联合国发动伊拉克战争,不仅损害了联合国的权威,更动摇了以联合国为中心的世界集体安全机制。这促使联合国加快改革进程。不久前,联合国秘书长安南在名人小组所提方案的基础上,提出联合国改革计划,正式启动了联合国改革工作。美国从自身利益出发,积极推动联合国改革。美国的有关立场和政策,将对联合国改革和联合国的前途有着关键性作用与影响。     

Regional involvement in peace operations: an analysis of the debate within the UN Security Council

The paper analyses the debates within the UN Security Council on the role of regional organisations in peace operations and examines associated pro and con arguments. The systemisation of the findings is facilitated through the application of SWOT analysis that requires an insight into the unit and system levels of analysis. The first one looks at regional organisations and studies the strengths and the weaknesses that could promote or obscure their greater involvement in peace operations. The second level studies the international political environment that could provide opportunities for greater regional involvement or pose threats (obstacles) to it. The study indicates that there is a clearly established numerical predominance of supporters of greater regional involvement in peace operations over the regio-sceptics. However, the conclusion is that while the permanent members of the UN Security Council continue to endorse such involvement in the field, they will keep avoiding the formalisation and institutionalisation of the role of regional organisations on a political level.     

“争常”失败后日本与印度的非洲政策比较

"争常"失败后,日本与印度对非洲有基本的共识,即非洲国家对日、印两国争取加入联合国安理会常任理事国具有举足轻重的作用.基于这一共识,日本和印度加,强了对非洲的外交攻关,扩大了对非洲的援助,但日本和印度的非洲政策仍存在重大差异.日本主要通过经济援助方式扩大该国在非洲的影响;而印度在同非洲的交流与合作中,强调向非洲输出技术和文化等软实力的"新模式".深刻了解和认识日本与印度对非洲政策的异同,对于中国制定对非洲政策及发展中非关系具有一定的启示.     

Legitimacy Deficits of International Organizations: design,drift, and decoupling at the UN Security Council

Despite ubiquitous calls for their reform, international organizations (IOs) often suffer from legitimacy deficits. What explains the emergence of legitimacy deficits and what effects do they produce? This article discusses the gradual emergence of legitimacy deficits through the concept of legitimacy drift. Legitimacy drift occurs when an organization loses legitimacy by failing to adapt itself to a changing environment. It identifies three sources of legitimacy drift: failure to live up to pre-existing standards (broken promises), changes in the standards of legitimacy by which organizations are assessed (shifting standards), and changes in an organization’s relevant public (audience shift). Legitimacy deficits typically prompt organizational responses. These include attempts at re-legitimation through institutional reform and operational adaptation, but also other ‘coping mechanisms’ such as promises of reform, the logic of confidence, and decoupling. Coping mechanisms are especially important where reform is blocked. This model is illustrated by the history of the United Nations Security Council, one of the oldest and most powerful IOs. A conclusion calls for bridging historical and sociological institutionalism to better understand IO legitimacy in time.     

Taking a New Perspective: Mapping the Al Qaeda Network Through the Eyes of the UN Security Council

Network analysis has attracted significant attention when researching the phenomenon of transnational terrorism, particularly Al Qaeda. While many scholars have made valuable contributions to mapping Al Qaeda, several problems remain due to a lack of data and the omission of data provided by international organizations such as the UN. Thus, this article applies a social network analysis and subsequent mappings of the data gleaned from the Security Council's consolidated sanctions list, and asks what they can demonstrate about the structure and organizational characteristics of Al Qaeda. The study maps the Al Qaeda network on a large scale using a newly compiled data set. The analysis reveals that the Al Qaeda network consists of several hundred individual and group nodes connecting almost all over the globe. Several major nodes are crucial for the network structure, while simultaneously many other nodes only weakly and foremost regionally connect to the network. The article concludes that the findings tie in well to the latest research pointing to local and simultaneously global elements of Al Qaeda, and that the new data is a valuable source for further analyses, potentially in combination with other data.     

试论安理会授权使用武力的法律规制

安理会授权使用武力是联合国在维持国际和平与安全的实践中发展起来的一种武力强制措施的实施方式,由于制度性不足,在实践中出现了很多问题,甚至异化为霸权主义的工具.授权使用武力是基于国际政治的现实需要,为维持国际和平与安全发挥了一定的作用,联合国应该将之作为集体安全制度改革中的重要内容,并就其法律依据、目的、效力范围、接受授权国家的权限、实施的保障措施等实体和程序性规则作出具体规定.