Development assistance: Ruined hopes and great expectations in Africa

This paper highlights the difficulties and complexities of development assistance projects through an analysis of 2 Urban Functions in Rural Development projects conducted by the US Agency for International Development (AID) in Upper Volta and northern Cameroon in 1977-82. The general objectives of the Upper Volta project were to carry out urban function studies, develop a plan for strengthening the contributions of urban centers to rural development, develop a list of investment priorities for facilities and services, and increase the capacities of the Ministry in planning processes and methods. The 2-year project was hindered by a 1-year delay in initiating assistance due to difficulties in locating a contractor. In addition, the contractor and other team members felt there was little justification for studies of spatial organization in a country with so much evident need; rather, they focused on a small rural works program and establishment of effective local government, producing an inconsistency between team activities and the original project agreement. A request by the team to extend the project 1 year beyond its official completion date to compensate for early delays was rejected by USAID. Nonetheless, there was agreement that the project had a small positive impact in Upper Volta. Key lessons from Upper Volta were transferred to the Cameroon project. Although this project was judged to have achieved its objective of preparing a regional plan and of identifying programs for facilities, services, and small-scale enterprises, it was beset by problems of inexperience and technical underqualification of team members, poor communication, inconsistency of USAID guidelines, and methodological confusion. It is suggested that a central challenge for such programs is to create a body of qualified Americans who can work with their local counterparts in meeting the challenges of development. A measure of the success or failure of these projects should be the degree to which learning contributes to improved performance.     

An empirical approach to the grouping of small communities in the state of new jersey: Opportunities and challenges for comparative study

Despite the fundamental social, political and economic importance of America's small towns, academic research activity concerning these communities has been sparse. Instead, scholarly interest has historically focused on larger urban settings. This circumscribed perspective has often led to an image of small towns as a largely homogeneous residual of metropolitan areas. In fact, small towns are highly diverse in character, and this quality offers intriguing opportunities and challenges to scholars and policy makers in regard to comparative analysis and evaluation. Since it is plausible to assume that dissimilar communities will present a greater variation of needs and problems than will towns with similar characteristics, an enhanced ability to understand, appraise and predict small town variation can provide the basis for improved policy-making, capacity building and service delivery.

The purposes of this study are to empirically demonstrate the wealth of diversity among one state's population of small towns, and to illustrate a set of useful and objective techniques which can be used as an extension of the more familiar deductive approach to dealing with the problem of classifying local government community systems.     

Unpacking Local Economic Development: A Case Study from Nekemte Town and Its Hinterlands,Oromia, Ethiopia

Most agree that local economic development (LED) is a “bottom-up” development approach seeking to unleash the development potential of a locality. Nonetheless, focusing closely on the dynamics of specific localities, this can be criticized for being too local and overlooking extra-local links. This article explores the drivers of LED from the local economic actors’ perspectives in Nekemte town and its hinterlands, Oromia region, Ethiopia. The results clarify that LED is not only just “local”, but also an approach that links urban and rural areas, and thus, understanding rural–urban linkages is a prerequisite for a better understanding of the local economic development.     

Varieties of population mobility in relation to development in China

China, in its efforts to effect economic modernization, has come to recognize the need for labor mobility to promote the development of small towns, to develop frontier agriculture, and to provide a tertiary sector in the cities and towns. Of China's 1 billion people (3rd census, 1982), 206 million or 20% of the population lived in 236 cities and 2664 towns. 50% of the urban dwellers were concentrated in the 3 metropolises of Shanghai, Beijing, and Tianjin. On the other hand 30% lived in the 2664 towns, which China wishes to develop. In the past large numbers of people have migrated to the large cities because there they were assured the life-long security of employment in state-owned industries -- the "iron rice bowl." However, China's present policy is to limit the size of big cities, develop medium-sized cities (between 200,000 and 500,000 people), and encourage the growth of small cities. China's 7th Five-Year Plan (1986-1990) calls for a massive movement of the agricultural labor force, not to the cities, but to the towns. To control population movement China instituted the Household Registration System in accordance with which a household must obtain permission to move permanently beyond the local area. Migration from the populous East Coast areas to the underdeveloped Northwest and to the rural impoverished areas of Gansu, Ningxia, and Qinghai is encouraged. But controlled migration has become more difficult since the decentralization which has accompanied the new economic policies, and the urban population has grown except for the 3 major cities. Moreover, as a result of the new "economic responsibility system" introduced in 1979, many surplus agricultural workers have been absorbed into nonagricultural activities in villages and townships. By the end of 1985, 67 million workers had moved from agriculture to industries, and peasants may now be granted temporary residence permits in towns. The total number of towns increased to 7280 by 1985; however, the new towns are concentrated in the more productive agricultural areas, which can support them. In addition to these more or less permanent migrants, large numbers of temporary migrants have come to the cities as representatives of local businesses, as construction workers, to operate urban outlets for agricultural and industrial products, to provide various services including domestic service, and as itinerant workers. 1986 statistics indicated that 3.21 million people were living as temporary residents of China's top 10 cities. The new economic policy has encouraged the resurgence of private plots and free markets and hence has stimulated the increased movement of peasants to rural markets and to free markets in cities.     

Measuring the impact of set-aside programs on the minority business sector

In addition to remedying discrimination, set-aside programs can play an important role in minority business development. While it is understood that set-aside programs have positive impacts on the minority business sector, the magnitude of these impacts has not been explored. This study is an econometric analysis of the economic impacts within the minority business sector that are attributable to City of Chicago spending with minority-owned firms. Where appropriate, and to better operate as business development tools, set-aside programs should target the emerging lines of minority enterprise, include Target Market Programs, and contain provisions for debundling large contracts.     

Assessing and enhancing the impact of democratic development projects: A practitioner's perspective

As political liberalization expands across the globe, a growing array of Western donor and exchange organizations are seeking to bolster fledgling democracies or to nudge authoritarian regimes toward greater openness. These efforts coincide with intensified academic scrutiny of transitions to democracy. Yet, scholars have paid surprisingly little attention to assessing the impact of these organizations' democratization projects, and development practitioners have had little success in formulating useful criteria and approaches for assessment. Better understanding of how to evaluate these activities could enhance their impact as well as inform political development theory. This article places the assessment problem in context by acknowledging a few of the key debates pertaining to political development and by summarizing the range of foreign assistance organizations and efforts aiming to promote democratization. It then describes why evaluation of these efforts is generally inadequate. Finally, the article presents some initial ideas on how this difficult problem can be addressed. Stephen Golub is an attorney and consultant who has been involved with democratic development work since 1985. The thoughts and impressions presented in this article spring from: his experience with the Asia Foundation from 1985 through 1990 as Program Officer for Law and Government, Philippines Assistant Representative, and consultant for Pakistan law projects and overall foundation directions in law programming; his work as a consultant for the U.S. Agency for International Development in the Philippines in 1991 regarding both law and A.I.D.'s Democracy Initiative, and, in 1993, evaluating legal services programs; research conducted on Philippine nongovernmental legal service groups as a Senior Fulbright Fellow in 1991 and subsequently while based in Manila in 1992 and 1993; and discussions with representatives of other organizations that support democratization projects, such as the Ford Foundation, the Institute of International Education, Germany's Naumann Foundation, and the Netherlands Organization for International Development Cooperation. Of course, the opinions expressed here are solely those of the author, and should not be attributed to any organizations with which he has been associated.     

Barriers to Participation: Exploring Gender in Peru’s Participatory Budget Process

As citizens increasingly work to improve transparency and governance, participatory budgeting (PB) has emerged in thousands of cities. Advocates argue that PB can serve to educate citizens, increase transparency, and even improve living standards in the cities and towns that implement this form of public finance. However, we still know very little about how inclusive these processes are. This article asks: first, are participatory budgeting processes engaging women and men equally? Second, if gender exclusion is taking place, why? Finally, what can the development community do to begin to eradicate exclusion? Through the case study of participatory budgeting in Peru, the article documents that participatory budgeting in this country is not inclusive. Economic barriers, combined with the fact that women are expected to take on most domestic duties, make it very hard for women to actually attend meetings, especially in rural areas where poverty and patriarchy are more pronounced. Additionally, the weakness of women’s organizations prevents many organizations from registering to attend these processes. The article concludes with recommendations for advocates who wish to rectify these challenges through concrete interventions.     

Development: The devil we know?

Post-development theories have been accused of not having a future programme, and a number of authors has concluded that we are better off pursuing development as we know it. But the lack of instrumentality is not in itself a weighty argument against the analysis. At its best, 'post-development' offers an explanation of why so many development projects seem to fail. Two contributions are emphasised here: that transformation through development is linked to the agencies of elites, and that technical constraints imposed on developers shape the way in which they construct the problem. There is a need for extending the analysis, however. Including how development interventions are transformed in encounters with target populations gives a less rigid picture of the power of development, and can expose some of the problematic premises on which development interventions are based. In this way, post-development can offer a contribution to the practitioners of development.     

Years of life lost from suicide in China, 1990-2000

Suicide is an important public health problem in China: It is the fifth leading cause of death in China, and suicide in China accounts for over 30% of the world's overall suicide deaths. The substantial burden due to suicide has not been well recognized. This study aims to provide an estimate of the socioeconomic burden of the suicide problem in China in terms of years of life lost (YLL) and to discuss its implications. Suicide rates and the related YLL by age, gender, and region (urban/rural) from 1990 to 2000 were estimated using the most recent data from the Ministry of Health of China. The suicide rate in rural China was three times higher than that in urban areas. Suicide completers in rural areas shared 90% of total YLL. Rural women aged 25-39 years contributed the largest share of YLL. Our results show that some population subgroups contributed a disproportionate share to the disease burden of suicide. National strategies for suicide prevention should include targeted programs in catering the need of these specified subgroups in China.     

Conceptualising Third World politics: The state‐society see‐saw

This article presents and juxtaposes critical genealogies of development studies and postcolonial studies, two bodies of literature on the 'Third World' that ignore each other's missions and writings. I demonstrate that the two fields have some areas of convergence, such as groundings in knowledge of and concern about the West, and other areas of divergence: development studies does not tend to listen to subalterns and postcolonial studies does not tend to concern itself with whether the subaltern is eating. I argue that, of the two fields, postcolonial studies has the greatest potential to be a new and different location of human development thinking if it can overcome a tendency to lock into intellectual rather than practical projects of postcolonialism.     

Privatization in developing countries: ideal and reality

In both developed and developing countries, governments finance, produce, and distribute various goods and services. In recent years, the range of goods provided by government has extended widely, covering many goods which do not meet the purist's definition of “public” goods. As the size of the public sector has increased steadily there has been a growing concern about the effectiveness of the public sector's performance as producer. Critics of this rapid growth argue that the public provision of certain goods is inefficient and have proposed that the private sector replace many current public sector activities, that is, that services be privatized. Since Ronald Reagan took office greater privatization efforts have been pursued in the United States. Paralleling this trend has been a strong endorsement by international and bilateral donor agencies for heavier reliance on the private sector in developing countries.

However, the political, institutional, and economic environments of developing nations are markedly different from those of developed countries. It is not clear that the theories and empirical evidence purported to justify privatization in developed countries are applicable to developing countries.

In this paper we present a study of privatization using the case of Honduras. We examine the policy shift from “direct administration” to “contracting out” for three construction activities: urban upgrading for housing projects, rural primary schools, and rural roads. The purpose of our study is threefold. First, we test key hypotheses pertaining to the effectiveness of privatization, focusing on three aspects: cost, time, and quality. Second, we identify major factors which affect the performance of this privatization approach. Third, we document the impact of privatization as it influences the political and institutional settings of Honduras. Our main finding is that contracting out in Honduras has not led to the common expectations of its proponents because of institutional barriers and limited competitiveness in the market. These findings suggest that privatization can not produce goods and services efficiently without substantial reform in the market and regulatory procedures. Policy makers also need to consider carefully multiple objectives at the national level in making decisions about privatization.     

State formation,development, and the politics of self-help in Kenya

Issues of rural development, state formation, and political effectiveness are of paramount importance in Africa today. Analysis of Kenya's Harambee self-help approach to development contributes to our understanding of these issues by clarifying not only the ways in which political and economic concerns are linked in one African nation in a hierarchy based on a patrimonial model of political behavior but also some facets of elite behavior and peasant-state relationships. This paper argues that self-help is central to Kenyan politics and hence to the operation of this model of political behavior, serving the interests and needs of both Kenyan elites and rural communities. Through their self-help projects rural Kenyans neither reject the state retreating into the economy of affection nor permit elites exclusive access to the benefits of both public and private resources. Rather, using elite networks to gain support for self-help projects, residents of rural communities improve their access to highly valued collective goods. These processes are currently being modified in some important ways by the Moi government.     

System of cities dynamics in newly industrializing nations

Rapid industrialization in such countries as Korea, Malaysia, and Taiwan suggests that the complex functional structures of cities in the periphery may appear early in development. This paper proposes a 4-stage framework for the dynamics of a system of cities in a developing country undergoing industrialization and encompassing both nonindustrial and industrial development. The synthesis is assessed with evidence from the newly industrializing Asian nations of Korea, Malaysia, and Taiwan. The 4 stages of cities' industrial change include 1) increasing primacy with industrial satellites, 2) increasing primacy with industrial satellites and nodal towns on a transport network, 3) rapidly increasing primacy with rapidly growing industrial satellites and nodal towns on the transport network, and 4) decreasing primacy with slowly growing industrial satellites and rapidly growing peripheral industrial towns. The 4-stage synthesis suggests that economic development in the periphery may occur even while the primate city maintains its hegemony over control and coordination functions. Peripheral industrial growth does not challenge this hegemony. The growth of industrial cities is, instead, part of a process of regional specialization in which the low cost labor in the periphery becomes an attraction for industry. These stages are not inevitable. Government efforts are necessary to develop rural areas in terms of social improvements (education and health), capital infrastructure (transportation and utilities), and fair payments to farmers for their outputs. These seem to be the lessons learned from the industrialization process in Korea, Malaysia, and Taiwan.     

Of texts and practices: Empowerment and organisational cultures in world bank-funded rural development programmes

The World Bank's recent concern for ‘empowerment’ grows out of longer standing discussions of participation, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and civil society. While commitments to empowerment enter World Bank texts with relative ease, their practice within Bank-funded projects is far more contingent, and the meanings they assume become much more diverse. This paper considers the relationship between such texts and the development practices which emerge, using an analysis of the ‘organisational cultures’ of the Bank and the many organisations on which it depends in the implementation of its rural development programmes. The paper presents a framework for analysing these organisational cultures in terms of (a) the broader contexts in which organisations and their staff are embedded; (b) the everyday practices within organisations; (c) the power relations within and among organisations; and (d) the meanings that come to dominate organisational practice. A case study of a development programme in Bangladesh is used to illustrate the ways in which cultural interactions between a variety of organisations – the World Bank, government agencies, NGOs, organisations of the poor, social enterprises – mediate the ways in which textual commitments to empowerment are translated into a range of diverse practices.     

Mass Casualty Potential of Qassam Rockets

In spite of the bombardment of southern Israel by thousands of Qassam rockets fired from the Gaza Strip, comparatively few people have been injured or killed. This has led some observers to dismiss Qassams as more of a symbolic than lethal threat. However, southern Israeli towns feature robust civil defense systems that include safe rooms, bomb shelters, early detection alarms, and missile defense. How many casualties would occur were such systems not in place? This article applies shrapnel-casualty and spatial allocation models to the population of the southern Israeli town of Sderot to estimate casualties per randomly aimed rocket fired into the unprepared town; that is, in the absence of civil defense (technical details appear in the Appendix). Assuming an injury radius of only 5 meters from impact, the modeled expected casualties per rocket are between three (best-case) and nine (worst-case) times higher than Sderot's observed casualties-to-rocket ratio, suggesting that Qassam-like terror attacks on unprotected urban locations could prove much more serious than what one would expect based solely on the observed number of casualties in Sderot.     

US democracy assistance programs in Ukraine after the Orange Revolution

The 2004 Orange Revolution failed to skyrocket Ukraine into the ranks of consolidated democracies. Some previous research claimed that, in the similar case of post-Rose Revolution Georgia, its vague democratic perspectives can be explained by, among others, a negative impact of politically biased US democracy assistance programs. This article examines five groups of US programs (electoral aid, political party development, legislative strengthening, NGO development and media strengthening) implemented in Ukraine in 2005–2010, and concludes that US diplomatic support for the pro-Western “Orange” leadership did not translate into political bias of US-funded democracy assistance programs.     

Health care benefits in the public sector: An examination of availability,size, and managerial effects among north carolina municipalities

This study focuses on the extent to which health care benefits are used in North Carolina municipal governments. As such, it not only maps out the existence of these practices, but also the conditions and circumstances in which they occur. Health care practices (Basic dental and medical coverage, employee assistance programs, and child care provisions) are examined.

Since group health coverage is nearly universal (albeit the type and extent of coverage varies), it was not examined in this survey. With the exception of pre-paid dental insurance (41 percent) and unpaid maternity leave (31 percent), limited use is made of the various health care programs surveyed.

Population and workforce size effects are marginal.The presence of a city manager or town administrator, on the other hand, results in two or three fold the use as occurs in mayor-council cities.     

Preventing elderly suicide through primary care by community-based screening for depression in rural Japan

Depression is a major cause of suicide among the elderly. Few previous community-based interventions against depression have reduced the suicide rate. This study aims to evaluate outcomes of a community-based program to prevent suicide among the elderly using a quasi-experimental design with a neighboring reference group. The program, including depression screening with follow-up and health education through primary care and public health nursing, was implemented for 10 years in Matsudai town, a rural area of Japan (population 6,015; suicide rate per 10(5) [65-year-olds] for males 290.6, and for females 361.3). Changes in the suicide risk were estimated by the incidence rate ratio (IRR). The female risk of completing suicide in the intervention area was reduced by 70% (age-adjusted IRR: 0.30; 95% CI: 0.14-0.67), while there was no change in the risk for males in the intervention area nor for males or females in the reference area (Kawanishi town: population 9,425; elderly suicide rate for males 212.2, females 151.9). A ratio of the female IRR in the intervention area to that in its prefecture was also estimated at 0.45 (95% CI: 0.19-0.97), showing that the reduction of suicide risk in the intervention area was greater than the historical trend. A community intervention against suicide using management of depression with nonpsychiatric, primary health care would be effective for elderly females, but not males.     

The role of local government in rural communities: culture-based development strategies

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses local development and various governance strategies that local governments can use to engage actors in rural communities and resources from a broader environment to achieve desired socio-economic outcomes. We ask: How can local governance vary in rural communities? How can governance arrangements lead to contrasting socio-economic outcomes? Our conceptual framework combines a typology of local governance roles with socio-economic outcomes associated with neo-endogenous development theory. We explore culture-based development projects from three rural communities. We find that local governance strategies vary between relatively similar rural communities and that they represent compromises in terms of socio-economic outcomes. Local government in rural communities can act strategically through use of local networks. Local governance here is best understood as an emergent quality of the local context, history, institutions, culture, and, power relations. Therefore, governance strategies in rural contexts should be based on careful reflection on potential roles, trade-offs and desirable outcomes.