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1.
警务培训和高等教育在美国警务工作中的地位孰轻孰重,是多年来困扰美国警方的热门议题之一。培训历来被放在美国警务工作的重要位置上,而对是否要求大学学历的争议之声却是不绝于耳。从历史到现状对美国的警察培训和高等教育分别进行追踪,审视美国警务工作对培训和高等教育的需求,并融合美国警务专家的观点,以期对美国警务在警察高等教育和警察培训这两个领域的未来走向有一个总体把握。  相似文献   

2.
The underrepresentation of minorities in higher education evokes a widely shared sense of urgency among educational policymakers. Allan Oster, president of the American Association of State Colleges and Universities, has described the persistent gap between minority and white participation rates as "[o]ne of the most pressing issues facing higher education today" (American Council on Education, 1988b, p. iv). Eliminating the gap and overcoming the other educational inequalities faced by minorities "is not an option, but a necessity; and the need is not eventual, it is immediate" (Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990, p. 14). Failure to take timely and decisive action not only threatens the moral and intellectual integrity of higher education as a whole, but our nation's economic well-being (American Council on Education, 1988b, p. 1). As officials at Smith College so eloquently said, "[i]t is no exaggeration to say that the future of the nation and the future of higher education depend on the ability of the educational establishment to become more inclusive" (Smith College, 1989, preamble).  相似文献   

3.
In Parsons's analysis of citizenship, his general theory, liberal views, and assessment of American society intersect. Drawing from these distinctive sources, Parsons addresses questions still central to the study of citizenship. While Parsons presents a strong case for inclusion by means of liberal citizenship as an integrative force in modern societies, his treatment of inclusion is also limited in several respects. For example, Parsons elaborates one model of citizenship without attending to historical origins and variations; he stresses education as a type of cultural right but does not demonstrate the specific integrative role of higher education. As global controversy continues to swirl around liberal models of citizenship, Parsons's work can help in framing theoretically grounded responses to challenges to those models, such as communitarianism and fundamentalism, though it does not capture all possible forms of social integration.  相似文献   

4.
Thomas K. Lindsay 《Society》2013,50(3):236-244
Allan Bloom’s The Closing of the American Mind (1987) and Richard Arum and Josipa Roksa’s Academically Adrift (2011) stand as bookends. Between them rests a generation of college graduates. Together, they chronicle the crisis in higher education. This paper argues: (1) Adrift’s employment of the Collegiate Learning Assessment (CLA) may serve in part to corroborate Bloom’s contention that popularized moral and cultural relativism have devitalized the love of learning. Students stripped in such fashion might be expected to show little increase in the general collegiate skills that the CLA measures and on which basis Adrift critiques higher education. (2) Adrift may be taken to support Bloom’s case that the higher-education reform that matters most is restoring a required core curriculum consisting of common courses in the sciences and liberal arts. The paper concludes with some reflections on the limits and possibilities of the reforms pointed to by the two books.  相似文献   

5.
Gove  Samuel K. 《Publius》1984,14(3):111-119
For the most part, 1983 was a quiet year in the otherwise occasionallytumultuous relationship between higher education and the governorsof the American states. To be sure, there were growing indicationsof serious budget problems on the horizon, exacerbated by droppingenrollments and shifting needs among students, faculty, andsociety. There was also an increasing awareness throughout thecountry of the future significant role that high technologymight play in institutions of higher education; but these prospectsstill need to be worked on and sorted out. The year provides,therefore, a good opportunity to look back at the fundamentalrelationship between governors and higher education and to examinea few specific areas of longstanding concern so that we maybe better prepared for what lies ahead.  相似文献   

6.
The US and India collaborated on a successful institution building programme in the 1950s and 1960s to develop capacity for agricultural education, research and extension. This paper analyses that process for lessons that might bear on efforts to build similar institutions in other countries. India was an especially favourable environment due to the sophistication of its scientific base, the openness of its leaders to institutional innovation, the presence of public sector enterpreneurs to mobilize support for reform, and a food crisis that made it urgent to find new technology. The US did not fund institutional changes that had little demand in India, but it did influence Indian preferences over the long run by creating several mechanisms to exchange information about the American land grant system. These exchange mechanisms enhanced India's capacity for agricultural science and, less often noticed, contributed to the political support essential to new institutions.  相似文献   

7.
Historically, local control of education has been a sacred part of the American political culture. Since the early 1960s. however, there has been an unprecedented growth of state influence over local education. States require minimum days of school attendance, courses of study, and standards for teacher licensing, as well as minimum tax levies and expenditures. During the 1970s, states intruded heavily into school finances, initiating reforms to equalize educational opportunities.  相似文献   

8.
This article asks why discussion of racial inequality in higher education is absent from presidential speeches, which helps us understand why it is absent from the public agenda. I find a decrease in presidential speech about race and education after the 1980 and 1984 elections. By analyzing Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan's rhetoric during those elections, we can see that Carter struggled to promote affirmative action and, instead, supported historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs). Reagan adopted Carter's arguments about HBCUs and used them to support his strategy to appeal to whites' and white ethnics' racial resentments. This dynamic led to a political stalemate: Democrats could not address educational inequality, distance themselves from Republicans, and appeal to majority whites. Therefore, presidents had no incentive to address inequality in higher education. While educational inequality still exists, it remains absent from presidential speeches.  相似文献   

9.
大学新生入学教育是高等教育的首要环节,是高校思想政治教育的重要环节,是大学生涯的起点和基石。随着高等教育大众化时代的到来,新生入学教育己是大学教育和管理的重要组成部分,对大学生的整个大学生涯具有导航性和基础性作用。  相似文献   

10.
In contrast to education reform efforts that target teachers and schools, merit‐based financial aid for college increases the incentives for high school students and their families to directly affect the quality of education by investing more time and effort in schoolwork. Large‐scale merit‐based aid programs, such as Georgia's HOPE Scholarship, seek to improve education by encouraging students to meet higher standards, in this case by obtaining a 3.0 grade point average in high school and college. Since the HOPE program began in 1993, the number of high school graduates qualifying for the aid has steadily increased to more than 38,000 graduates in the class of 1998, or 59.5 percent of the graduating class. At the same time, the relationship between grades and achievement has remained consistent or, in some cases, improved since HOPE began. In fact, African–American males and females with a 3.1 high school core course grade point average have increased their average Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) scores by more than 20 points. This indicates that merit‐based aid has improved the quality of K–12 education in Georgia and reduced racial performance disparities by motivating students and their families to commit greater effort to schooling. © 2002 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   

11.
The American Dream is central to the national ethos, reflecting people's optimism that all who are willing to work hard can achieve a better life than their parents. Separate from the support for the idea of the American Dream itself is whether the public believes it is attainable. We consider the origins and dynamics of the public's belief in the achievability of the American Dream. Is the American Dream a symbolic vision, rooted in political socialization rather than contemporary politics? Or does optimism about the American Dream follow from the viability of the dream, rising with economic prosperity and falling with declining opportunity? We develop a new macrolevel measure of belief in the American Dream from 1973 to 2018. We show that it moves over time, responsive to changes in social mobility, income inequality, and economic perceptions. As inequality increases, belief in the attainability of the American Dream declines.  相似文献   

12.
生态价值观的理解与认同是一种有利于和谐社会构建的“社会资本”积累,价值的普遍认同和机制的成熟高效能使成本更低、效率更高。大众传媒之于大泉教育载体的开辟对于生态知识的普及与生活方式的变革具有可行的实践意义,提高人们的生态意识乃当务之急。  相似文献   

13.
State‐operated lotteries have recently been asserted by public administrators and academicians as panaceas for eradicating revenue disparities existing across public school districts in the American states. The purpose of this research project is to empirically test the hypothesis that lottery revenues raise the state expenditures for public education. A state‐level national dataset, which includes fifty American states over the period 1977–1997, was used for the analysis. Pooled time‐series cross‐sectional and ARIMA modeling was employed to test the hypothesis. This study finds that lottery revenues had a positive influence on state per pupil expenditures for education. The evidence for the impact of lotteries on state per pupil expenditures for education was robust and statistically significant.  相似文献   

14.
Empirical political behavior research has consistently observed a robust and positive relationship between education and political engagement, but has failed to adequately explain why education is so important. Using data from the Baccalaureate and Beyond (B&B) Longitudinal Study, I test three competing hypotheses explaining the enduring link between higher education and political behavior. I find that a verbal SAT scores and a social science curriculum are related to future political engagement, suggesting that the content of higher education, especially a curriculum that develops language and civic skills, is influential in shaping participation in American democracy. Analysis for this article relied on restricted-use data from the National Center for Education Statistics. Application procedures for obtaining an NCES restricted data license to access theBaccalaureate and Beyond Longitudinal Study are available at http://nces.ed.gov/surveys/b&b/. Replication code and supplemental variables (including school quality) are available onthe authors website.  相似文献   

15.
William Beaver 《Society》2012,49(3):274-278
The rising prominence of for-profit higher education in recent years has been impressive, as these organizations have come to play a more prominent role in American higher education. Nonetheless, for-profits continue to be troubled by allegations of fraud and other questionable practices, usually involving federal student-aid and the recruitment of students, which have triggered new regulations by the Department of Education. This article examines the criminogenic nature of the behavior in the for-profit sector, both from an historical and a more contemporary perspective. The analysis indicates that market structures and government policies play crucial roles in facilitating crime in these organizations and that such behavior is likely to continue despite tougher regulations, since the same elements will continue to influence for-profit colleges.  相似文献   

16.
Although China's unemployment rate for university graduates is quite high and overall satisfaction among students is lower than desired, there are some universities experiencing atypical results. The authors build on previous surveys conducted in 2008 and 2010 by conducting the third survey of students in a university in eastern China. The results are atypical. Student satisfaction is much higher in certain categories than anticipated. Follow-up surveys of faculty members find that they prioritized teaching more than research and this accounts for the difference between the results observed here and those found previously. In short, the faculty at this university disregarded the incentive system and prioritized teaching above what the system was designed for. In turn, students experienced higher levels of satisfaction than the norm for Chinese universities. Faculty acknowledged that they were rewarded for research but prioritized teaching. While it is possible that some might disregard economic incentives for other priorities, it is highly unlikely a majority would. A more compelling explanation is the well-thought-out and highly developed two-fold incentive system this university uses, which can be exported to other Chinese universities seeking similar results.  相似文献   

17.
冉育彭 《学理论》2012,(21):167-169
促进教育的公平是美国联邦政府教育政策的核心,为达到此目的,联邦政府通过提供各种助学金和贷学金等方式,为美国大学生接受高等教育提供支持和保障。在具体操作上,联邦政府通过优化整合一系列的资助,形成一个包含几种方案的"资助包"配发给学生供其选择,从而达到资助的合理、公正与公平。  相似文献   

18.
Registration barriers have been under sustained assault since the Ken- nedy Administration, yet participation in elections continues to decline. By the 1980s turnout in presidential and congressional elections was below what it was in 1960. The demographic correlates of participation–age, education and roots within the community–have also grown stronger, predicting to an increased turnout. Registration procedures are important and substantial changes in such practices are recommended. Without the reforms of the last generation, it is probable that turnout would have decreased even more substantially. However, the principal barriers to full participation are the quality and content of contemporary American politics. Non-participation is a threat to democratic government, yet the disintegration of the center in politics, the failure to exercise leadership or to offer relevant candidacies and policy alternatives, the weakening of the political parties, the unresponsiveness of political institutions, the trivialization of politics through the media have all contributed to public cynicism and disinterest. The need is to find new and more responsive alternatives for public involvement in governance.  相似文献   

19.
Public managers must regularly engage and interact with stakeholders in the external environment to deliver meaningful policy outcomes. Examining the motivations behind such behavior is a critical component of understanding management in the modern era. Some studies suggest that actors with similar interests are more likely to form collaborative partnerships. Using an original mail survey of 150 American Indian education directors in public school districts, this article examines how shared identity and individual attitudes affect levels of interaction with Native American communities. Findings suggest that public school officials who share both a racial and a tribal/co‐ethnic identity with Native American nations in their service area have higher levels of interaction with these groups than public school officials who are either members of Native American nations outside their service area or non‐Indian. This research has broad implications for incorporating theories of representation and social construction into our understanding of collaboration.  相似文献   

20.

Michael Sandel's Democracy's Discontent strives to contribute to the project of "democratic theory," which aims to bring people together across ideological differences. Sandel wants to revitalize citizenship by uniting religious conservatives and those committed to a more just political economy through an appeal to the American tradition of civic republicanism. However, his project is fundamentally incoherent. First, Sandel's narrative conflates the republican and religious aspects of the American founding, ignoring the fact that civic republican political theory actually developed in direct opposition to the ideal of a Christian polity. Second, his version of civic republicanism deviates from the historic tradition in a way that renders it much more conservative than it actually was and might still be. Third, his reading of American history consistently highlights conservative themes. Consequently, Sandel ultimately undercuts the progressive aspects of his own vision, detracting from rather than contributing to the transideological aspirations of "democratic theory."  相似文献   

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