The Construction of the China–ASEAN Free Trade Area: A Study of China's Active Involvement

The central argument of this paper is that China's economic diplomacy not only improves its political relations with ASEAN countries but also promotes regional economic co-operation and integration. This paper is organised into two parts. The first part starts with a review of Chinese foreign policy changes in order to show how Beijing adjusted its foreign policy to pursue its economic and political interests. It also examines China's political and institutional efforts to forge the coming Free Trade Area (FTA) with ASEAN. The second part studies China–ASEAN trade relations from three aspects: the adjustment of Chinese industrial structure, foreign direct investment to both sides and the formation of a production network with China at the centre. While difficulties and problems are unavoidable in the construction of CAFTA, with China's active efforts and the enhanced co-operation between China and ASEAN, the building of CAFTA is moving towards fulfilment.     

面对21世纪中俄经贸合作问题的思考

叶利钦时期．中俄两国构建的战略协作伙伴关系．较多地体现在政治、军事和外交方面。经贸合作是个薄弱领域。普京执政后。对华关系的基本框架不会发生大的变化。但考虑到普京在摆脱经济危机和恢复俄罗斯强国地位方面。有着强烈的危机感和迫切感．因此、他的对华政策将具有务实性和转向以经济利益为中心的特点。近年来．两国经贸关系明显落后于政治关系。长期发展下去．有可能影响和削弱中俄政治关系的发展。进入２１世纪之际。中俄加强经贸合作．不仅有利于中国经济实现可持续增长和俄经济的复苏、而且还可以进一步巩固和发展两国的政治关系。当前。为把中俄经贸合作推上一个新的高度,应采取一些新的思路和对策：（一）要统一认识．即认识到中俄经贸关系落后于政治关系是客观存在的事实。有鉴于此．才需要我们将两国经贸合作推向一个新水平;（二）要有一个发展双边经贸合作的长期战略规划;（三）要上大项目：（四）加强对俄高科技合作．如在哈尔滨市与俄共建“中俄高新技术合作中心”; （五）大力研究与认真落实省、州合作、鼓励并推动地方政府发展区域合作。如吸引俄资本与技术参与我国西部大开发．尤其应将西伯利亚与远东地区作为区域合作的重点。特别应指出的是：没有我方与俄远东地区融洽的政治     

Norm shifting from EMP to ENP: the EU as a norm entrepreneur in the south?

This article focuses on the normative dimensions of European Union (EU) policy on the Mediterranean which, it is argued, give rise to a number of dilemmas and challenges. First, it scrutinizes the core raison d'être behind the EU's regionalist strategy within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) context. Second, since it purportedly supplements the EMP, the article examines the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and its associated normative bilateral basis. In doing so, the article attempts to raise a number of broad questions about the nature, purpose and underlying logic of regional integration, the role of norms in international relations, and the changing nature of foreign policy. It is argued that EU endeavours at enhanced relations with southern partners point to the pursuit of a dual strategy: the identification of the EU as a ‘normative power’, on the one hand, and the attainment of political and economic interests, on the other. The challenges of this pursuit may in turn explain some of the main dilemmas facing EU–Mediterranean relations.     

2011年的缅甸:在改革中前进

2011年是缅甸政府向民选政府转型后的第一年,政治上,新的议会和政府成立后运转正常,同时继续积极推动政治改革;经济上,缅甸私有化进程加快,外贸和外资也出现了良好的增长势头;外交方面的进展尤为明显,与美国、欧盟等西方国家关系打破了僵局,与中国建立了全面战略合作伙伴关系,与印度、日本和东盟关系不断深化。     

冷战后老挝外交政策的特点及走向

冷战后,老挝外交政策表现出四个特点:由政治外交转向经济外交;重点发展与越南、中国等传统友好国家的关系;从地缘政治考虑,参与并扩大与东盟各国的合作;转向"全方位外交",增进与各大国的交往。今后老挝外交政策将围绕政治独立、经济发展、安全维护、地位提升等方面展开,以实现国家利益最大化。     

论1990年以来越南与日本的经济关系

自20世纪90年代以来，越南与日本的经济关系快速发展，其主要体现在两国的贸易、日本对越南的投资以及日对越ODA为主的经济援助等方面。两国经济关系的快速发展，反映了两国在追求各自国家利益上的一致。一方面，越南为发展国内经济，争取更大的国际市场、国外投资以及外国经济援助，积极同日本发展经济关系；另一方面，日本为逐步扩大对越的影响力，通过贸易、投资以及经济援助等方式推进对越经济外交政策。     

EU-China relations: balancing political challenges with economic opportunities

During 2005, the European Union and China marked 30 years of diplomatic relations with much fanfare. Celebrations surrounding the anniversary however belied the fact that throughout most of this period the European Union and China remained largely aloof from one another. The strengthening of EU foreign policy over time, as well as the economic reforms and new outward orientation exhibited by China have changed the dynamics of the relationship. Both sides are increasingly recognizing the potential mutual benefits that can be accrued from a closer relationship. This paper assesses EU-China relations from both economic and political perspectives. In terms of economics, it is clear that the EU must build stronger relations with China if it is to accrue the benefits of access to an expanding market with over one billion people. To do so successfully however, the EU will have to reconcile the economic and political components of its foreign policy. The EU continues to challenge the Chinese government to reform its practices on a number of issues including human rights, democratic reform, and Tibet, all of which remain bones of contention. How the EU achieves the balance between political constraints and economic opportunities is the primary focus of this paper.

---

The New Aerospace Diplomacy: Reconstructing Post-Cold War US-Russian Economic Relations

Post-Cold War U.S.-Russian diplomacy reveals the increased importance of new diplomatic actors and processes, whilst underscoring the continued key role of state-state negotiation in reconstructing the bilateral relationship between the United States and post-Soviet Russia. The Clinton administration and Yeltsin government negotiated measures to promote political stability, democratization, and conversion to a neoliberal market economy in Russia, a centrepiece of which was the integration of Russia’s globally competitive aerospace sector into the global production chain. Establishing the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission, a top-level binational economic and technology policy committee, and signing a bilateral trade liberalization treaty on commercial satellite launch services paved the way for public-public and public-private bilateral space cooperation, and for major private joint ventures between US and Russian aerospace firms.     

Europe’s engagement with China: shifting Chinese views of the EU and the EU-China relationship

This article discusses the dramatic recent shifts in Chinese policy perspectives on the European Union (EU) and on EU-China relations. Whereas for more than a decade, policy makers and Europe specialists in China had regarded the EU as an exemplar of regional integration and as a promising new ‘pole’ in the global order, a recent survey shows that today, in the wake of the Eurozone crisis, the refugee crisis, and the ‘Brexit’ referendum, many perceive the EU as a troubled actor unfit to deal with the existential challenges confronting it, let alone play a credible leadership role beyond its own borders. Despite this, Beijing’s ambitious international agenda at a time of increasing global uncertainty guarantees China’s ever-growing stake in building a reliable, long-term partnership with the EU, even though recent Chinese diplomatic and economic initiatives are gravitating toward the Union’s periphery, targeting subregional groupings of Member States along Europe’s re-emerging, traditional fault lines. Based on the research findings presented in this paper, the authors argue that the EU and the Member States need to rethink the basic assumptions underlying their China policies in the so-called ‘New Era’ and explore new approaches of engagement that match these shifting perceptions, policies and political realities.     

The New Aerospace Diplomacy: Reconstructing Post-Cold War US-Russian Economic Relations

Post-Cold War U.S.-Russian diplomacy reveals the increased importance of new diplomatic actors and processes, whilst underscoring the continued key role of state-state negotiation in reconstructing the bilateral relationship between the United States and post-Soviet Russia. The Clinton administration and Yeltsin government negotiated measures to promote political stability, democratization, and conversion to a neoliberal market economy in Russia, a centrepiece of which was the integration of Russia's globally competitive aerospace sector into the global production chain. Establishing the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission, a top-level binational economic and technology policy committee, and signing a bilateral trade liberalization treaty on commercial satellite launch services paved the way for public-public and public-private bilateral space cooperation, and for major private joint ventures between US and Russian aerospace firms.     

印度一欧盟贸易关系发展现状及其发展态势

欧盟作为世界上最大的经济体,为印度的经济发展提供了广阔的市场及发展空间,印度很重视发展与欧盟的关系,尤其是经济关系;而印度作为一个发展潜力极大的发展中国家,自然资源、人力资源极为丰富,欧盟同样需要进一步加强与印度的贸易关系。目前双方的贸易关系进展平稳,但也存在不可避免的挑战,特别是欧盟东扩后,双边贸易关系的前景面临着更多的变数。     

Reflection on EU-China Relations

EU and China are two important world powers, whose common interests far outweigh their disagreements. The intention of the EU-China relationship was to work closely together, but the relationship did not develop as anticipated and the last two years have been particularly turbulent. Three factors may explain this phenomenon. First, the EU is not trusted by other countries as a strategic partner and needs further institutional improvement to strengthen solidarity. Second, EU-China cooperation centers mainly around economic issues and strategic cooperation in security and politics needs to be improved. Third, there are certain other issues which affect EU-China relations. More research needs to be carried out and made public.     

东盟与欧盟经贸关系的现状与前景

本文首先回顾东盟与欧盟的经贸关系发展历程,然后分析、探讨东盟与欧盟贸易与投资关系的特点及其存在的问题,最后对其未来发展趋势提出几点看法。     

20世纪90年代以来中国与印度的贸易投资关系

20世纪90年代以来,随着中国与印度政治关系的改善,中印双边贸易投资不断扩大。但中印之间也存在着贸易投资比重小、贸易不平衡、贸易摩擦频繁等问题。本文分析中国与印度贸易投资的现状与问题,探讨其发展趋势及前景。     

俄罗斯与欧盟经贸合作的问题与启示

在全球化背景下 ,研究俄罗斯与欧盟的经贸关系 ,对改善转型国家与市场经济发达国家的经济往来关系具有重要的借鉴意义。冷战后 ,俄罗斯与欧盟的关系发展较快 ,尤其是双边经济合作在不断加强。欧盟是俄罗斯最大的贸易伙伴 ,而俄欧关系对欧盟也具有重要的战略意义。从贸易、投资及其他经济合作方式等多方面综合分析俄罗斯与欧盟的经贸合作关系 ,并对其中存在的问题进行深入探究 ,对于我们同俄欧的经贸合作具有重要的作用。     

The EU–China energy cooperation: toward a reciprocal partnership?

The EU–China energy relationship had long been characterized by the “donor–recipient” paradigm, whereby the EU provided official development assistance to China. The EU’s assistance of China’s energy sector had been driven by normative, political, and commercial considerations. Today, the normative and political momentum in their energy relationship has been undermined, while energy investment and trade remain a difficult issue. Although the EU has been endeavoring to shape an overall “reciprocal” relationship with China, and stressing energy market access and reciprocity, China is not rushing into anything. The EU and China need to make greater efforts to find impetus for their energy cooperation, for which the involvement of business and industry actors is key. Until this is done, their energy partnership would likely remain a commitment to be fulfilled.

     

Trust,structures and Track-2 Dialogue in the EU-China relationship: resetting and resettling a ‘strategic partnership’?

This article looks at matters of trust, of structures and of dialogue in the European Union (EU)-China relations. It argues that EU-China relations need resetting given the increasingly negative perceptions of China in Europe and given Chinese dissatisfaction with what it considers to be a degree of EU incoherence, incompetence and inconsistencies. Their ‘strategic partnership’ proclaimed in 2003 in many ways is rather empty and lacks much coordination of diplomacy. Their economic relationship while substantial is problematic and asymmetric in nature. However, restructuring the relationship through new dialogue mechanisms and agreements may resettle their relationship along more pragmatic functional grounds. In particular, the creation in 2012 of a third High Level Dialogue, at Track-2 rather than Track-1 level, that of People-to-People (PPD), may reduce the ‘trust deficit’ in the still longer term. Consequently, the article seeks to contextualize and evaluate the rhetoric and substance surrounding the various dialogue meetings and structures emerging in 2012. It also considers the progress, or perhaps lack of progress, on concluding a Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA). It concludes that one way forward is to de-politicize the partnership.     

South Africa's Economic Diplomacy: Constructing a Better World for All?

The article raises questions such as: 'Is South African "economic" diplomacy primarily "economic"?' and 'how altruistic in intention are the diplomatic efforts currently being undertaken by South Africa?' These questions flow from the interplay between the premise that economic diplomacy seeks to serve economic interests through diplomatic means, and the pronouncements made by South African decision makers that point to a broader, more altruistic agenda being pursued. In exploring the political and economic elements of current South African economic diplomacy, some pertinent aspects of South Africa's foreign and economic policies are highlighted, and South African economic diplomacy is broadly sketched. The focus is on the post-1994 period, but developments are put in historical perspective. The article concludes that current South African economic diplomacy serves both economic and political interests and that it is deployed in an extremely complex environment in which it is virtually impossible to disentangle the economic from the political and the altruistic from self-interest.     

EU’s Taiwan policy in the light of its China policy

Since the mid-1990s the European Union sees it necessary to engage with the PR China due to its increasing economic and political influence. EU-China ties have been developed rather smoothly and comprehensively. EU leaders believe that the more prosperous and influential China becomes, the more the EU could benefit. No serious obstacles are visible and the prospects for further development are promising. Under the One China Principle, however, the EUs Taiwan policy is rather confined. Although the EU is concerned about the security and stability in the Cross Strait relations, their means of interventions are constrained. The European Parliament resolutions as well as the stance of the Council and the Commission towards Taiwan have demonstrated the EUs ability to tread lightly when dealing with, and there is little visible interest in getting more actively involved in the Taiwan issue. Only the Liberal International truly supports Taiwan in its bid to enhance international visibility. However Taipei-Washington ties dwarf the EUs Taiwan policy. Therefore there is still large room for further improvements in the Taiwan-EU relations.