国内区域经济一体化进程中的矛盾与路径选择

区域经济一体化作为当代中国发展的重要战略,推进区域经济一体化已成为当前中国经济发展的重要内容。国内区域经济一体化面临着经济全球化与区域统筹发展的双重约束、均衡与非均衡的冲突、政府主导与企业主体的失衡等诸多矛盾。这些矛盾构成了当前国内区域经济一体化发展的条件与现实困境,这些矛盾的解决与转化又成为区域经济一体化良好发展的动力源泉。     

城乡一体化进程中的城乡社会协同治理

城乡一体化既有别于"城镇化",又有别于"新型城镇化",更区别于城市化。基于城乡一体化的城乡社会协同治理,实现城乡社会平等性基础上的差异性治理,客观上要求在治理城市社会与乡村社会进程中,尽可能做到优势互补、协同治理。无论是城市社会还是乡村社会,都要在城乡社会一体化历史进程中,接受政党、国家和政府治理,亦即在"受治理"的基础上,逐步实现城乡社会从"分治"走向"协同"治理,直至未来城乡社会的"相互"治理。在城乡社会"互治"基础上的"受治理",从"分治"走向"协同"治理,并自觉顺应城乡社会本身的发展规律。     

政府在区域一体化中的角色冲突及其转化路径

一、政府在区域一体化中的角色1.问题的提起。在区域一体化实施和推进的过程中,无论是区域内各地方政府还是区域外其它各级政府,都起着非常重要的作用。但在现行的政府绩效评价体制机制下,政府既是公利的追求者,又是私利的维护者,集这两重角色于一身,必然表     

区域一体化与区域立法问题探讨

区域经济一体化打破了行政区划边界,涉及到多地区之间的沟通配合,必然要求各地之间相互配合与协调,拆除各区划间的行政壁垒,建立一体化的空间环境。在我国现行立法体制下,区域立法还没有一个合法、合适的定位。为此,必须明确以规律为引导、以区域共同利益为基础、以法制协调为手段的区域立法原则。比较分析欧盟法和美国的州际协定,我国区域立法可以借鉴后者,采取区域立法协作的模式。     

建构与融合:区域一体化进程中地方府际间的利益关系协调

区域一体化的本质是实现对资源和生产要素的无障碍跨界流动,这与地方政府间因自利性而引发府际利益冲突并运用行政权力对资源配置的市场化造成的阻滞,构成了现阶段我国区域一体化实现进程中的主要矛盾。区域经济一体化实现的过程也是对复杂的利益关系进行调整建构和协调融合的过程。区域一体化进程中地方政府的主导与阻滞表现在:地方政府是区域一体化实现的主要推动者和参与者;地方府际间利益冲突是区域一体化实现的主要障碍;地方府际间利益协调是区域一体化实现的关键要素。基于地方府际间利益协调视角的区域一体化实现路径是:形成地方府际间的利益协调系统;运用内外联动的网络协调模式;构建地方府际合作的内生传导机制,优化地方府际间利益协调的基础环境。     

京津冀区域物流一体化研究

当前,京津冀地区经济合作虽然取得了一定成效,但是却明显落后于珠三角和长三角地区,区域物流一体化发展缓慢是制约京津冀经济一体化快速发展的“瓶颈”。京津冀区域物流一体化发展存在诸多问题,完善发展的举措有：抓住滨海新区、曹妃甸建设的机遇,促进京津冀物流一体化;制定京津冀经济圈交通系统的整体规划;大力发展京津冀地区绿色物流;建立健全京津冀区域综合物流平台。     

京津冀区域特殊教育一体化发展对策研究

《京津冀协同发展规划纲要》(以下简称《规划》)于2015年4月30日经中共中央政治局会议审议通过。《规划》确定了京津冀区域协同发展的近期、中期、远期目标。京津冀教育一体化发展在服务国家的重大战略需求、建立教育强国、创建和谐社会及实现伟大的中国梦方面作用重大,其中,特殊教育的发展水平是社会和谐稳定和社会发展的重要标志。通过对京津冀区域特殊教育的发展现状和相关层面的研究,探索京津冀区域特殊教育一体化发展对策如下:要明确战略目标;优化和整合政策;运用灵活的市场机制;完善特殊教育体系建设。     

国家治理现代化视域下行政区划调整的空间治理机制

行政区划作为权力结构和行政体制的空间投影,调整行政区划是塑造空间治理格局、提升空间治理能力的重要基础和必然要求。现代国家建设进程中的制度供给、治理体系构建与治理能力发挥的支撑关系,以及全面深化改革在现代化背景中的治理意义,要求持续优化行政区划体制。行政区划调整蕴含空间生产和尺度重构的价值功能,有利于规范国家治理中的权力运作,保障社会主体的权利行使,并通过均衡资源配置来增进空间正义。根据行政区划的实质内容及空间治理的价值目标,推进新时期的行政区划调整,需要集中处理好政府改革与社会治理、顶层设计与地方探索、地理区域与制度场域、本土实践与域外经验这四组关系。     

动力与阻力:政府在区域一体化中的双重力量

在区域一体化的实施和推进过程中,各地方政府为追求地方利益,在前期往往表现为动力,后期表现为阻力,呈现出双重力量,在很大程度上影响着一体化的深入推进。通过静态和动态两个视角,对政府在区域一体化中的双重力量进行分析后发现,既要强化动力来壮大积极力量,又要消除阻力来减少消极力量,坚持两方面同时进行,形成合力,才能促使政府走出区域一体化的双重力量困境。     

政府在区域一体化中能角色冲突及其转化路径

一、政府在区域一体化中的角色1．问题的提起。在区域一体化实施和推进的过程中,无论是区域内各地方政府还是区域外其它各级政府,都起着非常重要的作用。但在现行的政府绩效评价体制机制下,政府既是公利的追求者,又是私利的维护者,集这两重角色于一身,     

The Challenges of Regional Integration in the Horn of Africa

This paper examines the challenges of regional integration （RI） in the Horn of Africa （HOA）. It examines constellations of possibilities and obstacles of RI in the HOA. The HOA is known for its prolific production of pathological situations. Four prime interlinked pathological situations ravage the HOA. These are rampant conflicts, state crisis, environmental degradation, and underdevelopment. There is growing realisation that these concerted pathologies could only be addressed by collective concerted capacity. The endeavour for this collective capacity presupposes a corresponding overarching supra-national organisation and structures.     

Valence Politics and Equilibrium in Spatial Election Models

Spatial models of two-party or two-candidatecompetition almost never have pure-strategy Nashequilibria when the issue space has more than onedimension. This paper shows that the introduction ofvalence issues can create conditions where equilibriaexist, even in a multidimensional setting. We derivesufficient conditions for the existence of equilibria,and characterize the spatial locations of twocompeting parties or candidates when such equilibriaexist. The party with the advantage on the valencedimension will generally take a moderate position onthe positional issues. We consider the implications ofthese results for public perceptions of the parties,incumbency advantages, and realigning elections.     

The Politics of Electoral Reform Abolition: The Informed Process of Israel's Return to Its Previous Electoral System

This article examines the process that led to the repeal of Israeli electoral reform (1992–2001) and compares it with that of reform adoption (1987–92). The most significant difference between the two processes is in the kinds of information that were available in them. In the politics of reform adoption, information was susceptible to manipulation and its supply was a crucial part of the struggle itself. In the politics of reform abolition, the real consequences of reform were constantly unfolding. This substantial difference resulted in other differences – not in type but in extent. First, while both were ongoing processes in which coalitions of supporters and opponents had to be built and then rebuilt several times, the cohesion of the camps throughout the struggle for reform abolition was higher than in the struggle for reform adoption. Second, while office-seeking successfully served as a basis for understanding the behavior of most parliamentary actors, the actual perceptions of its exact contextual meaning was dependent upon different available information. The two processes also had two common characteristics: power was diffused in both arenas of the politics of reform and in both instances the selection of the right timing proved to be necessary for successfully promoting the initiatives against veto players who were interested in preserving the status quo.     

The Campaign Value of Incumbency: A New Solution to the Puzzle of Less Effective Incumbent Spending

A puzzle in research on campaign spending is that while expenditure is positively related to votes won, this effect is far more strongly, or even exclusively, enjoyed by challengers rather than by incumbents. We unearth a new explanation for the puzzle, focusing on the hidden, yet variable, campaign value of office perquisites which incumbents deploy in their campaigns to win votes. When these variable office benefits are unobserved, then the effect is to make observed incumbent spending less effective than spending by challengers. Using data from the 2002 Irish general election, where incumbency was assigned a variable campaign value and included in declared campaign spending, we are able to demonstrate this hidden incumbency effect and estimate its relationship to electoral success, in terms of overall votes, share of votes, and probability of winning a seat. Contrary to previous research showing ineffective incumbent spending, we find that when the campaign value of office is also measured, public office value “spending” is not only very effective in winning votes, but also seems to be more effective than regular incumbent spending.     

当前中国一种非理性的民族主义述评

民族主义在当代中国的发展主流是健康的,但其中也出现了一种非理性的表现形式。民族排外主义就是当前中国非理性民族主义的主要表现形式。文章重点分析民族排外主义在政治、经济、文化等方面的具体表现及其消极后果,并提出民族主义理性化建构的思路与对策。     

论中国民族区域自治与民主政治建设——以广西民族区域自治为个案分析

民族区域自治属于民主政治范畴.世界上不同政体的国家有不同的民族治理模式,中国采用民族区域自治的办法解决民族问题,是由我国的历史发展、文化特点、民族关系和民族分布等国情决定的,也是符合各民族人民共同利益和发展要求的.本文从民族区域自治是民主政治建设的重要组成部分、民族区域自治制度对我国民主政治发展的贡献、广西民族区域自治的成功经验与启示这三个方面入手,阐述了民族区域自治与民主政治建设的关系.