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The domain of interest is goal formation and policy planning at the national level. A preliminary research framework for analysis of national policy alternatives is defined. Included are the following basic elements: values, goals, attainments, strategies, societal processes, and societal indicators. Using this conceptual structure as a point of departure, an outline is given of the principal research problems to be addressed. Other possible applications of the framework are also described.  相似文献   

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Explanations of different patterns of preferences for redistribution either highlight the role of the institutional framework in a country or highlight the importance of self‐interest and rational expectations. The study introduces a unified approach to explain differences in preferences for redistributive measures for the case of intergenerational monetary transfers for families and children. Both explanatory approaches are integrated into the action‐based Model of Frame Selection that incorporates normative motives and economic self‐interest into the process of decision making. Using a large sample that deals with questions on the approval of public policies for families and accounts for the normative importance of children and family life in Germany, evidence is provided that both approaches are valid in explaining preferences for government transfers.  相似文献   

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In order to maximize votes, incumbent politicians design and implement redistributional programs. These programs benefit some voters at the expense of others. In the simple two group (or tax payers and beneficiaries) case we identify the nature of vote maximizing transfer policies. This model's basic approach is shown to hold for multiple group models as well. Strategic implications for the organizers of sub groups of the population (or group leaders) are developed. Other extensions of the model are discussed. qu]Where the budget is clever is in its detail. Each little measure is designed to hurt (but not too much) people who are not politically important, while tossing a bone to people who are. You can see this in a host of different ways.  相似文献   

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Apart from a static structure of institutional blocks erected for a certain purpose, pillarisation might also be viewed as a dynamic process accommodating not only different cultural groupings, but also varying regional, local and historical circumstances. Apart from being a sociological, political and cultural structure, pillarisation for a long time fulfilled important public administrative and executive functions within and for Dutch society. Apart from being a top‐down vehicle for separation and social control, pillarisation can also be seen as a polycentric or ‘bottom‐up’ institutional structure in which a variety of executive agencies, quangos, and other functional professional, local and regional institutions are being co‐ordinated, integrated, guided and controlled. By seeing ‘pillarisation’ as a dynamic form of network management, the question arises how ‘depillarisation’ affects the development system of intergovernmental governance in the Netherlands. More, rather than less historical knowledge of pillarisation is needed, not for understanding historical questions, but for grasping the complexities of contemporary institutional developments.  相似文献   

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Political institutions in Portugal have never been strong enough to withstand praetorian incursions. When a young officers revolt toppled a Right‐wing civilian regime in 1974, military elements attempted to impose a new brand of authoritarian politics on the country. The Socialist Party was instrumental in foiling this attack on pluralist values and in affirming civilian primacy. However, the prospects for Portugal's infant democracy are extremely uncertain. Social distress and a crisis‐ridden economy threaten stability. In government between 1976 and 1978 the Socialist Party was unable to offer effective rule.  相似文献   

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人民政协与协商民主具有深度契合性:协调与宽容的品质、合作与共识的精神、求同与存异的理念.人民政协与协商民主存在有限疏离性:协商主体理性程度不高,协商各方不平等;协商程序规范不健全,协商机构非专门化;协商过程较少公开,协商结果落实有难度.当前,人民政协协商民主的拓展路径是,提高协商各方平等化程度.培养协商主体理性化思维,提升协商程序法制化水平,加强协商机构专门化建设,实现协商结果有效化落实.人民政协协商民主具有中国特色,是国家层面协商民主的经典形式.  相似文献   

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The continuing interest of governments around the world in privatizing state-owned enterprises (SOEs) is making privatization policy an important instrument for promoting market-oriented approaches to economic development. Privatization has become an integral part of administrative reform in former centrally planned socialist economies, developing countries, and post-industrial societies. More than a decade of experience with privatization provides lessons that can help governments to plan, implement and manage the process more efficiently, effectively, and responsively. The framework for managing privatization described here draws from lessons of that experience to define the forms, scope and pace of privatization, choose organizational structures for management, identify macropolicy and institutional reforms necessary to facilitate privatization, and develop management procedures for implementing privatization programmes successfully.  相似文献   

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Recently, British public management has relied too much on private sector approaches suited to market‐facing situations, to the detriment of systems based on a realistic estimate of the special nature of public business, and its needs for economy and co‐ordination. Accountability processes have suffered from over‐simplification (targetry) and from a gross multiplication of mechanisms focusing on individual error, as opposed to ensuring intelligent assessment of business results. There has been an over‐emphasis on management of inputs and outputs, as opposed to systems gearing the result‐producing mechanisms to means for policy formation and co‐ordination of effort. We need now to re‐think and define properly the systems whereby ministers are advised, account is rendered, resources are allocated and effort is co‐ordinated—and the qualifications of the relevant actors. Suggestions are made to these ends.  相似文献   

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Despite the resilience of national institutions and practices there are increasing signs that national systems of corporate governance are giving way to an idealized American model of shareholder activism and liquid equity markets. These pressures are ideologically backed by 'shareholderism', which consists of three claims: a prudential, a functional and a moral claim. The prudential one claims superior efficiency for shareholder control and market allocation of capital. The functional one bases its claim for shareholder control on the contribution of risk-carrying capital. The moral one is based on a liberal doctrine of ownership that grounds exclusive control rights in title-holders. This paper addresses the functional and moral claims. It argues that public equity markets do not contribute capital and that the Lockean conception of property is both untenable and morally reprehensible. Instead corporate democracy is proposed as a way to accommodate the conflicting claims of stakeholders. To do so an intelligent division of democratic labour is required. The paper ends with a sketch of such a model, through short outings to the real world of Dutch corporate governance.  相似文献   

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一 改革开放以来中国经济和社会的发展基本属于政府推动型。在中共十六届三中全会提出“坚持以人为本,树立全面、协调、可持续的发展观”前,中国没有明确提出过“发展观”这个概念,但这并不代表中国的发展没有发展观的指导,因为发展观从某种程度上说是现代国家政府有意识引导经济和社会发展的指导思想,政府的方针、政策、法规以及其他政府行为中都体现着发展观。  相似文献   

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在马克思的论述里,共产主义概念具有现实关怀、终极关怀和历史发展逻辑三个维度。区别于常见的只赋予其终极社会形态意义的理解,共产主义的三个维度意义分别具有批判的实践运动、自由自觉的人的全面发展、社会及人的历史发展逻辑等辩证运动的内涵。  相似文献   

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