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本文从国际法角度分析伊拉克战争的法律依据及其引起的法律后果 ,探讨国际法在这场战争中面临的挑战。作者认为 :美英对伊动武没有合法的依据 ,它引起相应的国际法律责任 ;不能因为这场战争而否认禁止使用武力原则的作用 ,而是应进一步加强该原则的实施。  相似文献   

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战争行为是人类历史上最为残暴的行为之一,在国际犯罪种类中也属于最为严重的罪行之一。近代第一次和第二次世界大战的爆发,不仅没有达到战争发动者所欲追求的结果,反而进一步暴露了战争的残酷性,也发展了涉及战争行为的国际法律文件。1949年的四个《日内瓦公约》及两个《附加议定书》确立了战争行为采用的规章和规则,并进一步确认了战争罪行违反国际人道主义法和习惯国际法的基本模式。因此战争,尤其是国际性的伊拉克战争不可避免地涉及国际法和国际刑法的问题。  相似文献   

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饶戈平 :按联合国创立者们的设想 ,联合国的首要宗旨就是维护世界和平与安全 ,防止新的战争爆发。为此 ,《联合国宪章》规定了一系列基本原则和制度 ,其中包括国家主权平等、和平解决国际争端、不使用威胁或武力、不干涉内政等原则 ,以及联合国集体安全体制。在这一体制下 ,国际社会的绝大多数国家 ,经由联合国这个世界上最重要的普遍性政治组织 ,共同承担起维护世界和平与安全的责任。而主要的执行机构则是联合国安理会 ,安理会特别是其中的五大国被授权承担了维护世界和平与安全的主要职责。《联合国宪章》规定 ,安理会不但担负着主持和…  相似文献   

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伊拉克战争对国际法治的冲击和影响   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
美英发动的伊拉克战争对国际社会提出了一系列值得认真思考的国际法问题。本文着重探讨这场战争对国际法基础的冲击以及违反联合国宪章规定非法使用武力问题 ,探讨在国际武装冲突中实施国际人道法面临的困境。在此基础上 ,作者提出了加强国际法治的若干建议。  相似文献   

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The article examines the relation between war making in Iraq and juridical reforms aimed at instituting democracy, or what the article coins juridico-democracy. It is argued that a certain aspiration for global peace, global security, and non-violence to be instituted by juridico-democracy accompanies the war against Iraq. Rather than leave this aspiration intact, the article examines the extent to which this aspiration itself is conducive to the war's violence. The associations between violence and non-violence, war and peace, conflict and security are examined not as oppositions, but as cycles, where nonviolence, peace, and security are performative of more violence.  相似文献   

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从伊拉克战争看国际法面临的冲击与命运   总被引:7,自引:0,他引:7  
古祖雪 《法律科学》2004,22(3):98-106
伊拉克战争所导致的国际法危机,是现行国际法与当代国际社会之间矛盾的集中反映。这场战争违反了国际法的本质并对国际法权威造成重大冲击,但同时也为革新现行国际法提供了必要性和可能性,孕育着国际法发展的新契机。  相似文献   

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This survey is an analysis of Chinese judicial practice in mattersrelating to choice of law in over 50 civil and commercial casesin 2003. It first presents a statistical analysis of the casesin several tables and then highlights several particular issuessuch as renvoi, inter-temporal conflict of laws, jurisdictionalcompetition between judicial settlement of disputes and arbitration,and recognition and enforcement of arbitral awards.  相似文献   

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In reaction to the 9/11 terror attacks the German Parliamentenacted a number of statutes under the auspices of the so-calledwar against terror. The repressive new legislation aims at enhancingsurveillance and control by police and intelligence agenciesby introducing, for example, new passports and ID-cards. Inorder to prevent attacks similar to those of 9/11, Parliamenteven established statutory authority to shoot down, using militaryforce, passenger planes being used as a weapon. At the sametime the Federal Public Prosecutor General has prosecuted anumber of persons as alleged supporters of the 9/11 pilots,and several others, as alleged Islamic terrorists. These forcefulreactions of both Parliament and the Public Prosecutor provedpremature and were overturned by Germany's highest courts. Thefight against terrorism has thus been shown to be bound by constitutionallaw and general principles of law; such special measures stillneed, ultimately to adhere to the rule of law.  相似文献   

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Carl Schmitt's notion of nomos is commonly regarded as the international equivalent to the national sovereign's decision on the exception. But can concrete spatial order alone turn a constellation of forces into an international order? This article looks at Schmitt's work The Nomos of the Earth and proposes that it is the process of bracketing war called Hegung which takes the place of the sovereign in the international order Schmitt describes. Beginning from an analysis of nomos, the ordering function of the presocratic concept moira is explored. It is argued that the process of Hegung, like moira, does not just achieve the containment of war, but constitutes the condition of possibility for plural order.  相似文献   

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Machiavelli's 500‐year‐old treatise The Prince outlined the central features of the realist tradition in international relations. His premises led him to question the likelihood of efficacious and stable international law and international courts, a skepticism that has present‐day proponents. Machiavelli's reluctance was due to a combination of features of human nature and a focus on anarchic features of the relations among states. This article challenges these assumptions and implications: Other interpretations of human nature are closer to Machiavelli's text, and current relations among states are significantly different. The revised assumptions should make Machiavelli's followers more optimistic about international law and international courts.  相似文献   

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The history of the genesis and institutionalization of the European Convention on Human Rights offers a striking account of the innovation of a new legal subject and practice—European human rights—that went along with, but also beyond, the political and legal genesis of Europe following World War II. The rise of the European human rights institutions shows not only how law and lawyers played key roles in the early politics of European integration but also how the subtle combination of law and politics—as both national and international strategies—continued to play a decisive part in the institutionalization of European human rights. The article generally argues that the interplay between law and diplomacy had a fundamental impact on the innovation of European law and that lawyers capable of playing an intermediary role between the two were particularly central to this development.  相似文献   

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