Active Labour Market Programmes in Latin America and the Caribbean: Evidence from a Meta-Analysis

We present a systematic review and meta-analysis of impact evaluations of active labour market programmes (ALMPs) in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). We extract 296 impact estimates from 51 programme evaluations to analyse the effects of participation on employment, earnings, hours worked, and formality. Our analysis finds that the probabilities of being employed and in formal employment are the labour market indicators most likely to be positively affected by ALMPs in LAC. Moreover, ALMPs are more successful among women and youth and when they are implemented during periods of economic expansion. Training programmes increase both formal employment and earnings; training is particularly effective when it is more intensive and when explicitly targeting poor individuals.     

Democracy,Governance, and Emigration Intentions in Latin America and the Caribbean

It is now clear that the global shift toward democracy in recent decades has resulted in a highly uneven democratic landscape in which the quality and performance of democracies around the world vary greatly. In an era characterized by increasingly open borders to goods, services, information, and, at times, labor, we argue that poorly performing, uneven democracies have become an important, yet underexplored, component in one’s emigration calculus. We test this argument through analysis of survey data across 22 Latin American countries and find strong and consistent evidence that both the quality of a democratic system and its ability to fulfill basic governance responsibilities influence the degree to which an individual considers emigration as a viable life strategy. These findings in turn have implications for the subsequent impact emigration may have on the democratic development of high migration communities.     

Sources of Civic Engagement in Latin America: Empirical Evidence from Rural Ecuadorian Communities

The concept of civic engagement has greatly influenced the policy-making process in the field of development cooperation. However, in contrast to a vast quantity of empirical studies for the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)–world, there is only little knowledge with respect to developing countries. Using Ecuadorian rural communities as an example, this paper analyses socioeconomic, political and cultural sources of civic engagement with multivariate regression analyses, which demonstrate that volunteering strongly depends on the cultural tradition. Additionally, the empirical results show that a pure application of the theoretical assumptions and operationalisations from the OECD–world is misleading, when analysing social processes in developing countries.     

新自由主义、"华盛顿共识"与拉美国家的改革

从20世纪80年代后期开始,新自由主义理论在整个拉美地区迅速传播和扩散.尽管拉美国家的领导人从不公开赞同新自由主义理论,但80年代后期以来拉美国家实施的经济改革,却有明显的新自由主义烙印."华盛顿共识"的十个主张是新自由主义的具体的政策取向.新自由主义使拉美的经济改革取得了明显的成效,但也使拉美的改革产生了一系列严重的问题,导致了社会经济的不稳定,甚至政局的动荡.     

The trend of relations between the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean from the perspective of Bi-regional Summits

<正>Nowadays,multilateral consultative mechanism is gradually becoming a mainstream approach in the contemporary international system.As one of the most important international collective player,the European Union(EU) has been engaging in multilateral cooperation and consultation since its inception.It has also been promoting a plural world through advocacy and action.The EU and the Latin America/Caribbean(LAC) Countries summits are considered a stability mechanism for promoting bi-regional dialogues.Nevertheless,after 10 years of bi-regional strategic partnership construction,the EU and LAC relations are currently experiencing a difficult phase,suggesting it is time to reform.The purpose of this paper is to analyze the advantages as well as the challenges to EU-LAC relations from the perspective of bi-regional summits,and to assess the short-term trend of their relations in the near future     

Views from the periphery: Futures of neoliberalism in Latin America

The political economy of Latin American countries seems increasingly characterised by neoliberal approaches. Economic factors at the global and continental scale seem to reinforce this trend. This article explores the social bases of neoliberalism not only in terms of the technocratic but also of the wider social and political base. The connections between neoliberal reform, people and places are explored through examining the nature of exportorientated growth, the transformations of labour markets, the social impacts of reform, poverty and the changing social provision of the state. The contradictions within the neoliberal model are examined before the future of neoliberalism and the prospects for alternative development strategies and sociopolitical scenarios are considered. In particular, the arguments from neostructuralist contributions are assessed and some of the contrasts between neoliberal and neostructural theories identified.     

Public Service Motivation and Job Sector Choice: Evidence from a Developing Country

This article explores the determinants of actual job sector decisions of highly skilled professionals across four different sectors in a developing country, with a particular interest in the relationship with public service motivation (PSM). Unlike most previous cross-sectional studies, it uses a pooled time series of individual antecedents and job characteristics, both before and after the individuals leave the job market to pursue graduate education abroad. The results indicate that there are key differences in terms of the determinants of job sector choices across the four sectors, and that PSM appears to have a differential role on the attraction of individuals to each of those sectors.     

Connectedness and SME Financing in Post-Communist Economies: Evidence from Uzbekistan

Abstract

This paper investigates effects of interpersonal links with bureaucrats on SME access to formal finance. A survey of 502 SMEs in post-communist Uzbekistan shows fewer SMEs with government connections express a need for external finance, but success rates of applications are higher than for SMEs without connections. Econometric models show government-connected SMEs receive more formal credit than their counterparts. The small share of SME credit available is thus distributed in favour of those capitalising on bureaucratic links, with consequent resource misallocation. Findings imply that greater SME credit flows need supplementing with capacity building that improves bank transparency and efficiency.     

Demilitarisation in Latin America

Since the mid 1970s relations between the USA and Libya have been antagonistic. The radical policies the regime of Muammar Qadaaffi has pursued have made Libya one of the USA's bêtes noires . The reasons for US antagonism derive from Libya's repression at home, its alleged support for terrorism and for radical movements opposed to US interests, its staunch opposition to Israel, and its anti-Western rhetoric. Libya's hostility towards the USA rests on a perception of the USA as a global power intent on maintaining its hegemony and control over the Arab and Islamic world. Libyans have been resentful of US support of Israel to the detriment of Arabs and Muslims. Libya's resolute opposition to the USA especially in the 1980s, resulted in a series of military confrontations. The USA has maintained sanctions despite the suspension of UN sanctions on Libya in 1999. The USA has retained Libya on its short list of 'rogue states' despite recognition that Libya has stopped sponsoring terrorism. The contention here is that Libya, like the other 'rogue states', provides justification for US domestic policies (eg National Missile Defense). Given the events of 11 September 2001 in the US, it is quite conceivable that Libya could become a target of the US antiterrorism campaign. The USA could at last find valid justification for the removal of the Qadaffi regime.     

Problems and contradictions of participatory democracy: lessons from Latin America

The participatory innovations of the last few decades, particularly in Latin America, seem to suggest that the establishment of more participatory democracies is possible. However, limitations have characterized important participatory experiences. While the Bolivian, Ecuadorian, and Venezuelan attempts to promote popular participation have produced both positive and negative effects, some of these participatory experiences’ limitations are useful to highlight more general problems and contradictions that seem to be inherently associated with the establishment of participatory democracy in poorly functioning liberal democracies and in exclusionary and unequal societies. This analysis suggests that, paradoxically, the establishment of effective and inclusive participatory institutions may be less feasible where participatory mechanisms appear, at first glance, as most needed and promising.     

Privatization in Asia and Latin America

This article analyzes the political and economic predictors of privatization in 17 developing countries in Asia and Latin America, using an OLS regression model with panel-corrected standard errors and data from 1988 to 1999. The regression results show that two factors, which, have hitherto been either neglected or underemphasized in the privatization literature, play a crucial role in the pace and scope of, privatization. The first is a government’s revenue needs (defined in terms of interest payments on public debt as a percentage of a government’s total budget expenditures). An unsustainable interest burden leads to a significant reduction in the social and public spending of a government. This, in turn, impels incumbents to raise revenues through the sale of, state assets. The second factor that explains privatization patterns is the extant degree of, political opportunity (defined in terms of the governing politicians’ legislative strength and their security to remain in office). In addition, the results show that privatization is associated, with declining inflation and economic growth rates.     

拉丁美洲：和谐的民族,和谐的文化

近几年中国和拉丁美洲的关系有了很大发展,特别是文化交流进一步展开,这种文化交流不仅是传播中国文化,还有一个重要内容,就是拉美有许多优秀的文化成果,值得我们吸收和借鉴,以促进我国和谐社会的建设：     

Neopopulism and neoliberalism in Latin America: Unexpected affinities

Why have political populism and economic liberalism coexisted under Presidents Menem in Argentina, Collor in Brazil, and Fujimori in Peru? In order to elucidate this surprising convergence, which established conceptions of populism did not expect, this article stresses some underlying affinities between neoliberalism and the new version of populism emerging in the 1980s. Both neopopulism and neoliberalism seek to win mass support primarily from unorganized people in the informal sector, while marginalizing autonomous organizations of better-off strata and attacking the “political class.” They both apply a top-down, state-centered strategy of wielding political power. Finally, neoliberal efforts to combat Latin America’s deep economic crisis yield some benefits for poorer sectors, to which neopopulist leaders appeal, while imposing especially high costs on many of the better-off opponents of neopopulism.     

Informal Employment in Developing Economies: Multiple Heterogeneity

This paper contributes to the literature on the nature of informal employment in developing economies. Drawing on the model with essential heterogeneity, it offers a list of scenarios describing the behavioural patterns which informal workers follow. The list nests not only classical patterns of a rationed formal sector versus an integrated labour market, but also different patterns of rationing. Using non-parametric techniques and data from a few African economies with different levels of development, the paper proposes empirical case studies fitting various informality schemes. Developing economies show disparate patterns of allocation of workers and various patterns of rationing.     

Safeguarding Common-Pool Resources in Transition Economies: Experimental Evidence from Central Asia

Empirical evidence suggests that the propensity to cooperate in common pool resource dilemmas is higher for small, homogeneous groups with efficacious monitoring and sanctioning mechanisms. Given that transition from socialist to market economies is associated with larger, more heterogeneous groups with diluted opportunities for monitoring and sanctioning, individuals in later-stage transition economies may be expected to be less cooperative than their early-stage counterparts. However, evidence from experiments conducted with subjects in two economies at different stages of transition suggests that this may not be the case. These findings have implications for both theorists and practitioners alike.