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1.
印度的"第二次绿色革命"   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
在今年印度大选期间,瓦杰帕伊总理正式提出“第二次绿色革命”口号,并表示新政府将着手推行这一农业发展战略。上世纪60年代末,印度开始发动以先进技术提高粮食产量的绿色革命,这个“第二次绿色革命”就是相对于上一次绿色革命而言的。绿色革命基本解决了印度的吃饭问题,但并未解决粮食安全、农业可持续发展和农民整体贫困问题。 印度之所以提出“第二次绿色革命”,主要是为解决绿色革命以来在农业发展过程中遇到的系列难  相似文献   

2.
印度根据自己的农业资源禀赋,走出了一条以两次"绿色革命"为代表的独具特色的技术型农业现代化之路,印度的农业得到了长足的发展.本文拟从印度农业现代化发展的角度,重新审视先后发生在印度大地上的农业大变革,揭示印度农业现代化发展的技术内涵.  相似文献   

3.
印度转基因棉之祸及其对中国的启示   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
印度曾以第一次“绿色革命”大大促进了其农业和农村的进步,给发展中国家树立了以科技促进农业和农村发展的典范。近些年来,印度又主要凭籍转基因技术力图实现第二次“绿色革命”,再次实现农作物的增产和民众福祉的提高。但是,在推广转基因高产棉种的过程中,不仅导致了印度农民的大面积贫困而且引发了大量农民的自杀,进而影响到其转基因农作物推广工程的实施。管窥印度转基因农作物推广和实现的近况、政府和民众的态度,反思其推广经验与教训,对我国新时期以科技促进农业和农村发展的战略与政策完善定有裨益。  相似文献   

4.
印度的绿色革命取得了引人注目的成果,集中表现在:1.使商品粮实现基本自给;2.对农村社会产生了有力的冲击。这种以现代投入为先导的农业生产力发展对传统农业生产方式的冲击,在旁遮普、哈里亚纳和北方邦西部地区最为强烈,而同时也波及到其他邦的许多地区或村庄,尽管他们还象是分散在“传统海洋”中的岛礁,但其幅射效应日益增加,形成了众多的“绿色革命冲击”的爆发点。本文拟就古吉拉特邦的两个典型调查对“绿色革命冲击”谈点看法。  相似文献   

5.
五年前我们曾对印度经济的前景进行了乐观预测,不出所料,八十年代下半期印度超额完成了“七五”计划指标。激动人心的迈向“千福年”的九十年代来临了,印度经济前景如何?我们仍不悲观:九十年代,印度经济仍将稳定持续增长,也有可能出现印度经济的繁荣! 一印度经济经过40多年的发展,基本上摆脱了“贫穷恶性循环”和“低水平均衡陷阱”,正向“成熟阶段”前进。 (一)农业增强了抗御自然灾害的能力印度农业经过“土地改革”和“绿色革命”,在七十年代末,基本实现了粮食自给,1985年商品储备粮高达2,800万吨。1987—88年度,印度遭遇百年未有的特大干旱,但未出现粮  相似文献   

6.
印度独立以后实行了土地改革,农村有没有变化、有什么变化,一直是个有争论的问题。六十年代后期,“绿色革命”使农业得到迅速发展,取得这一成就的主角是些什么样的人物,这又引起印度国内外学者的兴趣。印度学者阿索卡·鲁德拉曾从事了一项在绿色革命取得显著成果的旁遮普邦“寻找资本主义农场主”的研究计划。他事先列出了资本主义农场主应具有的属性,然后在统计分析的基础上去查找该地区的农民是否真具备这些属性。调查结束,他得出的结论是,资本主义农场主在旁遮普邦并不存在。他的看法在印度国内外学术  相似文献   

7.
今年是印度独立四十年(1947—1987)。四十年来,在经济建设方面,印度坚持“自主、自立、自力”原则,在建设“社会主义类型社会”的思想指导下,在国内主要搞了“混合经济”、“计划经济”、“土地革命”(后来进行“绿色革命”)三件大事。与此同时,采取了灵活多样的形式发展对外经济贸易关系,以辅助其国民经济的发展,增强本国“三自”能力。今天印度终于建成了比较完整的国民经济体系,工业上的机器设备绝大部份能自己制造,农业上粮食自给有余,科学技术榜首发展中国家,教育事业培养了一支仅次于美、苏的庞大的科技队伍,印度在国际社会中占有相当重要的政治地位。  相似文献   

8.
农业是印度国民经济的基础。农业的发展决定整个经济发展的进程和速度。农业在印度国内生产总值中所占比重,1950—51年度为58.91%,1960—61年度下降到53.57%,1970—71年度继续下降为46.56%,1980—81年度占39.32%,1986—87年度占36%左右。虽然所占比重有所下降,但仍然占有重要地位。印度历届政府重视发展农业,尤其1966年开展绿色革命以后,一些重要农作物的产量有  相似文献   

9.
印度独立后,特别是六十年代中期以来,开始了农业现代化的进程。它是通过农业资本主义的道路来实现农业现代化的。当前,印度社会、政治和经济诸条件决定了它采用农业资本主义方式来发展农业生产。近一段时期,印度政府为实现上述目标,进行了很多工作,并收到了一定的成效,本文拟对印度农业现代化进程、农业资本主义发展水平及其特征作一初步探讨。  相似文献   

10.
六十年代中期,发展中国家普遍开展了“绿色革命”,东盟农业国也不例外,在六十年代中、后期,相继推行了绿色革命。在东盟农业国中,首先采用高产新稻种的是马来西亚,1965/66年度便已种植高产稻种4,23万公顷,占稻田总面积的10.3%;其后为菲律宾,1966/67年度种植高产稻种8.26万公顷,占稻田总面积的2.7%;接下来是印  相似文献   

11.
12.
Pavel Kohout 《Orbis》2005,49(4):120-742
As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable  相似文献   

13.
This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.  相似文献   

14.
In the Spitsbergen treaty of 1920, Norway acquired sovereignty over the Spitsbergen Islands. Rather than Woodrow Wilson, the American president, the architects behind the treaty were Robert Lansing, Wilson’s secretary of state, and, behind the diplomatic scene, the mining investor, John M. Longyear. In 1906, Longyear established a mining company to exploit the coal deposits at Spitsbergen. He induced Congress, the State Department, and the White House to forge an American policy for the European Arctic, including the appointment of Lansing, an international lawyer, as a counsel in the State Department. Lansing was a leading expert on both international law and the lack of state authority at the terra nullius, Spitsbergen. In 1915, he became secretary of State and, at the Paris Peace Conference, decided American policy regarding the Spitsbergen question. This analysis shows how the outcome of the Spitsbergen question was a result of American mining interests, supplemented by Norwegian-American shared interests in conflict resolution based on international law.  相似文献   

15.
This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects.  相似文献   

16.
This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.  相似文献   

17.
The article makes a preliminary survey of the teaching of internationalrelations (IR) in Malaysia. It starts by describing the originsof the field, and the emergence of an IR epistemic communityjoining both academia and government. This account is necessarilyderived from the experiences of the four most established Malaysianuniversities distinguished by length of existence and officialfavor. Subsequently, the survey would describe course contentand influences going into their design. The penultimate sectionswould attempt to place the evolution of Malaysian IR teachingwithin a historical context. This survey nonetheless concludesthat nationalist aspirations continue to remain a secondaryinfluence when compared with intellectual dependence upon theWest in the design of IR education in Malaysia. Received for publication August 28, 2008. Accepted for publication October 2, 2008.  相似文献   

18.
Most of the socio-economic changes taking place in Africa and much of the South are externally driven. External agencies, often in league with the State, by-pass working people and do not involve them in the decision-making processes. Their economic approaches ignore people's cultures and their world view. This denies working people a creative capacity to adapt new techniques and knowledge to their own concrete reality. This article argues for the importance of the historical frame of reference and for the centrality of culture in socio-economic processes. The author argues against approaches which are not culturally familiar to working people.  相似文献   

19.
This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.  相似文献   

20.
Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab–Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.  相似文献   

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