实验性免疫应激对雏鸡细胞免疫功能的影响

用NDⅠ系疫苗大剂量肌肉注射 2周龄雏鸡的方法建立实验性免疫应激模型 ,探讨应激状态下细胞免疫功能受到的影响。将 2 0 0只 2周龄健康雏鸡随机分成 4组 ,检测免疫器官中CD4 、CD8 T淋巴细胞变化。结果 ,试验 2、3组CD4 T淋巴细胞数从第 3d开始下降 ,第 5d最低 ,与对照组相比差异显著 (P <0 .0 5 ) ;CD8 T淋巴细胞数的特征性变化为从第 3d开始上升 ,第 5d最高 ,与对照组相比差异显著 (P <0 .0 5 )。     

β-葡聚糖酶对马岗鹅T淋巴细胞数及免疫器官的影响

取 1日龄马岗鹅 15 0只 ,随机分为 2组 ,试验组用 β 葡聚糖酶拌料饲喂 ,对照组喂不含 β 葡聚糖酶的饲料 ,于不同日龄检测各免疫器官的器官指数 ,应用酸性α 醋酸萘酯酶 (ANAE)染色法检测T淋巴细胞数目。探讨 β 葡聚糖酶对马岗鹅的免疫器官及T淋巴细胞ANAE 的影响。结果 ,β 葡聚糖酶能显著增加T淋巴细胞数量 ,在第 2、8周时试验组与对照组差异显著 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,在 12周时差异极显著 (P <0 .0 1) ;而对免疫器官没有明显的影响。     

和美酵素对肉用仔鸡生产性能及金霉素组织残留的影响

选用 4 32只 1日龄商品艾维茵健康肉用仔鸡 ,分别饲喂 4种不同组成的日粮 ,即高能日粮添加金霉素 5 0mg/kg(HE +CTC)组 ,低能日粮 (LE)组 ,低能日粮添加和美酵素 5 0 0mg/kg(LE+HC)组 ,低能日粮添加和美酵素 5 0 0mg/kg、金霉素 5 0mg/kg(LE +HC +CTC)组 ,比较饲喂不同日粮鸡的生产性能。结果表明 ,前期 (0～ 2 1d)添加和美酵素组和金霉素组鸡的平均日增重 (ADG)和平均日采食量 (ADFI)均无显著差异 ,但与LE组相比均有显著差异 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,HE +CTC组鸡生长略快 ,但与LE +HC组和LE +HC +CTC组相比无显著差异 (P >0 .0 5 )。后期 (2 1d后 )各组间ADG、ADFI、增重耗料比 (F/G)差异不如前期显著。从全期饲喂效果看 ,添加和美酵素或金霉素对肉用仔鸡ADG无显著差异 ,但HE +CTC组和LE +HC +CTC组的ADG显著高于LE组 (P <0 .0 5 ) ;在同等低能条件下 ,添加和美酵素可提高饲料转化率。LE +HC组的鸡群体重均匀度比HE+CTC组有明显提高。HE +CTC组肉用鸡肝、肾均有金霉素残留 ,以肝中残留量最多 ;而添加和美酵素组金霉素组织残留明显降低 ,肾中未检出     

高锌对雏鸡红细胞免疫功能的影响

将 1日龄艾维茵肉鸡雏 2 0 0只随机分为 4组 ,Ⅰ组为对照组 ,Ⅱ～Ⅳ组为试验组 ,分别饲喂不同日粮 ,Ⅰ组 :基础日粮 (含Zn 10 0mg/kg) ,Ⅱ组 :基础日粮 Zn 1 4 0 0mg/kg ,Ⅲ组 :基础日粮 Zn 1 90 0mg/kg ,Ⅳ组 :基础日粮 Zn 2 4 0 0mg/kg ,试验期为 7周。结果发现 ,日粮高锌可导致雏鸡红细胞C3bRR花环率降低 ,ICR花环率升高。Ⅱ、Ⅲ、Ⅳ组C3bRR花环率 2周龄时显著下降 (P <0 .0 1) ,Ⅲ、Ⅳ组第 5和 7周龄时也极显著低于Ⅰ组。Ⅳ组ICR花环率 2周龄时显著高于Ⅰ组 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,Ⅱ、Ⅲ组ICR花环率也有所升高 ,但与对照组比较 ,仅Ⅱ组于 5周龄时差异显著 (P <0 .0 5 )。     

口服牦牛血清IgG对小鼠免疫功能的影响

用环磷酰胺 (Cy)制造小鼠免疫功能抑制模型 ,以口服扶正女贞素片的小鼠为阳性对照组 ,试验组小鼠连续口服牦牛血清IgG ,10d后测定小鼠免疫水平的变化。结果 ,口服牦牛血清IgG的小鼠 ,抗Cy引起的免疫器官萎缩效果极显著(P <0 .0 1) ,抗Cy引起的小鼠血清IgG含量降低 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,能提高小鼠血清IgG水平 (P <0 .0 5 ) ;牦牛血清IgG对小鼠急性毒性试验属无毒级。证明口服牦牛血清IgG能显著提高小鼠的免疫功能。     

感染堆形艾美球虫的鸡血清生化指标检测

将 3 6只 2 4日龄AA鸡分为 3组 ,Ⅰ组每只鸡感染堆形艾美球虫 (Eimeriaacervulina)孢子化卵囊 70万个 ,Ⅱ组每只鸡感染 2 0万个 ,Ⅲ组为不感染对照组。对 3组试验鸡分别在感染前和感染后 4d、7d采心血 ,分离血清后检测 10项生化指标。结果 ,血清葡萄糖含量和天冬氨酸氨基转移酶活性在感染前后没有显著差异 (P >0 .0 5 ) ;血清总蛋白、白蛋白、甘油三酯含量和酸性磷酸酶活性在 4d和 7d均显著下降 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,其中Ⅱ组鸡的甘油三酯含量在 4d所降的幅度显著大于Ⅰ组 (P <0 .0 5 ) ;球蛋白、尿酸含量和碱性磷酸酶活性在 4d都显著升高 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,7d时Ⅰ组鸡的碱性磷酸酶活性仍显著高于感染前测定值 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,而球蛋白和尿酸含量均出现回落 ;Ⅰ组鸡的胆碱酯酶活性在 7d显著升高 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,Ⅱ组的胆碱酯酶活性在 4d和 7d均显著升高 (P <0 .0 5 )。     

不同硒添加剂对仔猪生长肝脱碘酶Ⅰ活性和血清甲状腺激素水平的影响

将 2 34头杜×长×大断奶仔猪分为 13组 ,分别以纳米硒和亚硒酸钠 2种硒源 ,0 .1、0 .2、0 .3、0 .4、0 .5、1.0mg/kg 6个硒水平添加到基础日粮中 ,研究了纳米硒和亚硒酸钠对仔猪生长、肝脱碘酶Ⅰ活性和血清甲状腺激素的影响。结果显示 :亚硒酸钠硒水平 0 .1mg/kg组仔猪的生长性能趋于平台 ,0 .3～ 1.0mg/kg组仔猪的生长性能随着硒添加浓度的增加而下降 ,1.0mg/kg组仔猪的生长性能显著低于 0 .2～ 0 .4mg/kg组仔猪。纳米硒水平 1.0mg/kg组仔猪的生长性能保持在高峰平台。硒添加浓度为 0 .1～ 0 .3mg/kg时 ,亚硒酸钠和纳米硒对仔猪生长性能的影响无显著差异 (P >0 .0 5 ) ;硒添加浓度为 0 .4～ 1.0mg/kg时 ,纳米硒组仔猪生长性能显著高于亚硒酸钠组 (P <0 .0 5 )。硒添加浓度为 0 .1～ 0 .2mg/kg时 ,两种硒源对脱碘酶Ⅰ活性、血清T3、T4 的影响无显著差异 (P >0 .0 5 ) ;硒添加浓度为 0 .3～ 1.0mg/kg时 ,纳米硒组脱碘酶Ⅰ活性和血清T3水平显著高于亚硒酸钠组 (P <0 .0 5 ) ,血清T4 水平显著低于亚硒酸钠组 (P <0 .0 5 )。纳米硒的Weinberg剂量 效应的最适剂量范围宽于亚硒酸钠。     

番鸭呼肠孤病毒诱导免疫抑制机制的初步研究

以5日龄健康番鸭为研究对象,人工感染番鸭呼肠孤病毒(MDRV),采用组织化学和免疫学技术检测外周血淋巴细胞转化率,T淋巴细胞ANAE阳性率,IL-2和IL-6含量,脾和腔上囊中浆细胞数量的变化.结果显示,MDRV感染组番鸭外周血淋巴细胞转化率和T淋巴细胞ANAE阳性率均极显著低于对照组(P<0.01),腔上囊和脾中浆细胞数量在攻毒后第10～20 d显著或极显著低于对照组(P<0.05或P<0.01),血清中IL-2和IL-6含量在攻毒后第10 d均极显著低于对照组(P<0.01).结果表明,MDRV感染能较快且持久地降低机体细胞的免疫功能,破坏免疫器官中的浆细胞,影响体液免疫功能,还影响免疫分子IL-2和IL-6的形成,进一步干扰机体免疫功能的发挥,从而容易诱发继发感染,增加死亡率.     

感染新型鸭肝炎病毒雏鸭的SOD活性和MDA含量变化

用新型鸭肝炎病毒人工感染雏鸭 ,对感染雏鸭血液、肝、脑中超氧化物歧化酶 (SOD)活性和丙二醛 (MDA)含量进行了检测。结果显示 :血清和肝组织中MDA含量在感染后第 2 4h极显著高于对照组 (P <0 .0 1) ,脑组织中MDA含量无显著变化。血清中SOD活性第 2 4h极显著高于对照组 (P <0 .0 1) ,第 96h极显著低于对照组 (P <0 .0 1) ;肝组织SOD活性于感染后第 2 4h显著低于对照组 (P <0 .0 5 ) ;脑组织中SOD活性无显著变化。提示 :自由基参与了新型鸭肝炎的发生、发展过程。     

猪囊虫TS21抗原DNA接种小鼠的免疫应答

将 4 0只BALB/c小鼠随机分为 2组 ,A组以VR10 2 0免疫作为对照 ,B组以TS2 1抗原基因的真核表达型质粒VTS2 1免疫。用ELISA检测免疫小鼠IgG总量和特异性抗体水平 ,MTT比色法检测小鼠脾淋巴细胞伴刀豆蛋白A(ConA)刺激的增殖反应及IL 2的诱生活性 ,常规法检测外周血免疫细胞数量的动态变化。结果显示 ,VTS2 1免疫小鼠血清的IgG含量和特异性抗体效价显著高于对照组小鼠 ;免疫小鼠脾淋巴细胞ConA刺激增殖反应和IL 2诱生活性均比对照组小鼠显著增强 ;免疫小鼠的淋巴细胞、巨噬细胞等免疫细胞的数量也显著超过对照组。免疫小鼠的细胞和体液免疫反应显著增强 ,表明VTS2 1具有很强的免疫激活作用 ,有进一步研制开发成为猪囊虫病DNA疫苗的潜力     

The roles of,and relationships between,expatriates, volunteers,and local development workers

This article reports on exploratory research based on interviews with expatriate and local aid workers employed by local and international NGOs in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Thematic analysis of the interviews found that personnel were placed in groups based on their job category – consultant, volunteer, or permanent staff – regardless of experience. These categories logically reflect each worker's pay level, purpose, and role, but they may also have an implicit power meaning which reinforces group differences and inhibits inter-group relationships. Relationship building was reported to be the most important factor contributing to the success of capacity-development initiatives. Four sub-themes were identified: communication, friendship, reciprocal learning/teaching, and confidence.     

Terrorism,counter-terrorism,and critique: opportunities,examples, and implications

This article explores the parameters, value and limitations of different critical strategies for those dissatisfied with the contemporary politics of terror. It argues, first, that the prominent (counter-)terrorism paradigm – in which terrorism is approached as a ubiquitous and very specific security challenge meriting appropriately exceptional responses – is far more critiqued than we might anticipate. And, second, that such critiques – which can be found across political language, popular culture, everyday life, and beyond – employ distinct critical resources to serve varying ends. Reflecting on these, the article offers a new heuristic distinguishing five critical strategies which seek to: (i) repudiate; (ii) question; (iii) subvert; (iv) replace, or (v) deconstruct the prominent counter-terrorism paradigm. This typology, it argues, offers scope for optimism and strategic resources for those attracted to a critical terrorism studies project going forward.     

Britain,France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab–Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

Britain, France, and America's Year of Europe, 1973

Britain's entry into the European Community in 1973 coincided with an American initiative aimed at redefining relations between the United States and Western Europe. This confronted British diplomats with a serious dilemma. They wished to maintain close collaboration with Washington and, for the sake of European unity, to expand on their recently achieved reconciliation with France, a country whose Gaullist elite rejected any further institutionalization of transatlantic relations. French reluctance to engage in a constructive dialogue with the Americans resulted in a fractious debate over the drafting of two seemingly innocuous declarations, and this was exacerbated by the mixed response of the Europeans to the outbreak of the fourth Arab-Israeli war and the ensuing energy crisis. Finally, at the Washington energy conference of February 1974, the British chose to work with the Americans, rather than the French, in seeking to mitigate the economic impact of OPEC's oil policies.     

“印太战略”:以美印日澳的战略逻辑、利益与策略选择为分析视角

"印太战略"是美国均势+有限遏制+规制+话语诋毁的混合型战略。它意在前沿、中间地带与后方的三层构建不对称的对华遏制性力量,突破中美双边、单区域战略竞争的狭窄战略空间;在多地域与多维度孤立中国,拉拢更多国家在产业价值链、数字经济等层面与中国切割;制订基础建设投资透明化的新标准,嵌入有利于美国利益的规制;通过国际法、舆论等软性手段抹黑中国的"一带一路"与海权发展。虽然共同逻辑都是制衡中国崛起,但日澳印在策略上强调非对抗性。其中避免成为中国优先反制是日本重要的策略目标;印度在拉达克边界冲突后尚没有形成一个完全倒向美国的战略,因为这必定使其背上沉重的战略包袱,成为美国的附庸;澳大利亚作为地缘政治影响有限的中等国家,在美国反华行动中冲在最前列已使其利益严重受损。而"印太战略"与东盟所推动的包容性、合作安全理念也有着本质的区别,东盟要在"印太地区"发挥中心领导作用,定位"印太"为对话与合作区域。所以由于东盟的抵制、印日澳的消极政策,这个战略形成的攻势将很难保持可持续性,其长期前景并不看好。     

Terrorism,Counterterrorism, and the Rule of Law

While fighting insurgency, both state and non-state groups depend on the local population for valuable resources such as food, intelligence, and security. By using a repertoire of subsistence coping mechanisms available to households in the context of the local political economy as an indicator of grievances and mechanisms of interactions between local households and the state and insurgents, district level data from Nepal on Maoist conflict is used to test hypotheses regarding state and insurgent violence. The analysis confirms that the state was more likely to kill people in a district where the number of households that borrowed to cope with subsistence was high. The Maoists were more likely to kill in a district with a higher number of subsistence sufficient households.     

Population, Prophets, Pensions, and Politics

As immigrant populations in Western welfare states grow at a faster rate than the native populations, whose birthrates have declined dramatically in recent years, Europe's tradition of democracy and tolerance is threatened. The reasons for the birthrate decline and the resultant aging of the native population are many and complex, but one important contributing factor is the pay-as-you-go pension system, which reduces people's immediate dependence on children. Moreover, the payroll and social security taxes that support the welfare state reduce the earnings capacity of men and women of the traditional age for having children, thus pushing down the birthrate. It is time to consider whether modern Europe's small-size families and high pensions are sustainable     

Satisfaction,Alternatives, Investments,and the Microfoundations of Audience Cost Models

In this paper, we suggest that the Investment Model of Commitment, developed in social psychology, offers a solution to an important microfoundational issue in audience cost theory. Audience cost models are useful for thinking about the foreign policy behaviors of democratic and nondemocratic states. However, they often assume that citizens reliably penalize leaders who break their foreign policy promises even though the empirical record suggests this is not always the case. We argue that public commitment to foreign policy assets and relationships is a precondition for the application of audience costs. Using the UN and NATO as case studies, we hypothesize that the commitments people develop to international organizations emerge as a function of (1) their satisfaction with the performance of the organization, (2) the investments in those organizations, and (3) an assessment of the alternatives to these associations. Correlational and experimental tests of the model confirm that the strongest individual-level commitments arise when people are highly satisfied with the performance of specific institutions, believe that much has been invested in support of them, and perceive that the alternatives to particular institutions are poor. Implications for the development of audience cost theory are discussed.