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1.
This article is a just study about political situation in the Near East. Everything that is connected with Israel and Palestine is analysed shortly. Starting with the explanation of a Jewish concept, the society of the State of Israel is described. Being a non-integral society, it has deep roots in the Bible--in Jewish traditions. It is the only nation whose start of history is described in the Old Testament. So, Jews are not occupants who come from a strange country. Their ancestors used to live in Palestine for already 4000 years. A national or Zionistic movement united them for a great struggle--to re-establish the State of Israel. At the beginning of the 20th century, Jews used to be a minority in the land of Palestine while the majority was comprised by Palestinians. It is a wonderful national and religious phenomenon that Jews survived the horrors of Holocaust and did not lose the hope--to return to the land of Abraham. The war started between the Palestinians and Jews when independence of Israel was proclaimed. In the other part, the author will review the relations between the Jewish State and the Arabian world, and political system, and will try to provide the ways of solutions of the conflict for the peace and security in the Near East.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

Ever since the so-called rise of China has started, Sino-Japanese relations have been increasingly described as a rivalry between both states. For the most part, this assumed rivalry has been analyzed on the global level or within the boundaries of the East Asian region, while the consequences of this rivalry for other world regions, such as the Middle East, have been largely neglected in the literature. In order to fill this gap, this article investigates how China’s growing presence in the Middle East, and in particular regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, influences Japan’s own foreign policy in this troubled region. It utilizes a modified concept of the strategic rivalry approach, called ‘asymmetric rivalry’, which challenges the widespread notion that rivalry needs to be mutually perceived by both sides and thus analyzes the assumed Sino-Japanese rivalry in the Middle East from a Japanese perspective. By focusing on the case of Japan’s CEAPAD initiative, which aims at coordinating East Asian countries’ developmental assistance towards the Palestinian Authority while deliberately excluding China, the present article shows that the perception of Japan’s foreign policy elite of China as a rival decisively influences how Japan’s foreign policy is shaped in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.  相似文献   

3.
As the Labour Party ponders who its next leader should be, dealing with anti-semitism within its ranks has become a touchstone issue. Ivor Gaber, who has watched anti-semitism within Labour fester long before it hit the headlines, takes a personal view of its roots and consequences and recommends a possible way forward.  相似文献   

4.
The article analyses the political situation in the Near East in trial to find the formula of peace. It would guarantee a peaceful coexistence for Palestinians and Israelites. The conflict of Israel and Palestine lasts for already over 100 years and becomes a global conflict among Islam believers and Jewish-Christians. Trying to have peace Israel left the occupied Sinai Peninsula of Egypt and made considerable concessions for Palestinians as well: It agreed on Palestine self-governing rights or autonomy in 1994. The problem is that Arabs cannot accept the fact of Israel state in their psychology. Nobody can guarantee their national security when Jews retracted to the borders which existed till 1967, the Sixth Day War. What does the total retraction from Gaza Strip from where the rockets are constantly sent to the territory of Israel on the heads of civil people? Would the most real and secure way of all the solutions be a Federation of Palestinian Territories or Confederation with the Kingdom of Jordan (or with the state of Egypt)? The peace problem of Near East is global and even connected with the intentions of Iran to make an atomic bomb. International community should be more sensitive not only to the tired nation of Palestine but also the Kurds who try to establish their state in Kurdistan. People of Azerbaijan should be helped in uniting into one state in the frames of Azerbaijan. The author tried to prove the article by the facts and the regulations of international law as much as possible.  相似文献   

5.
Domestic violence is now widely acknowledged as being a significant social, health and legal issue. At both a national and transnational level governments have sought to develop strategies built upon prevention, support for victims and holding perpetrators to account through criminal justice sanctions. However, the current paradigm that informs the policy response to most perpetrators of domestic violence has failed to deliver the outcomes required, in terms of a reduction in levels of recidivism or the improved safety of women and children. It is argued that holding men to account through external controls has failed and that interventions should support men to take responsibility for their own behaviour.  相似文献   

6.
    
Low conviction rates and poor victim-survivor experiences are the hallmarks of the permacrisis in the police investigation of rape. This article highlights the problems and discusses the way forward as proposed by Operation Soteria Bluestone, a police-academic collaboration aimed at transformational change in the police response to rape.  相似文献   

7.
    
This article argues in favor of a Levantine approach to citizenship and citizenship education. A Levantine approach calls for some sort of Mediterranean regionalism, which accommodates and promotes overlapping and shared sovereignties and jurisdiction, multiple loyalties, and regional integration. It transcends the paradigmatic statist model of citizenship by recasting the relationship between territoriality, national identity, sovereignty, and citizenship in complex, multilayered and disaggregated constellations. As the case of Israel/Palestine demonstrates, this new approach goes beyond multicultural accommodation and territorial partition. It proposes, among other things, extending the political and territorial boundaries of citizenship to take all the territory between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River as one unit of analysis belonging to a larger region.  相似文献   

8.
    
The IHRA definition is one of the most contentious documents in the history of efforts to combat antisemitism. Although it first became well known in the UK as a result of disputes within the Labour Party, the definition reaches well beyond that context, and has been adopted by universities, city councils, and governments. With its intensive focus on the critique of Israel as a marker of antisemitism, the IHRA definition has been heavily implicated in the suppression of Israel-critical speech in recent years. This article is among the first to adopt a global perspective on the definition—both its history and its content—clarifying the political stakes of this definition and broader paratextual apparatus for a general audience, and provides an explanation of why it should be rejected rather than used to censor Israel-critical speech.  相似文献   

9.
    
As Pop Mart, the current U2 tour extravaganza, makes its way around the world, it seems an appropriate time in which to return to the Zoo TV tour of 1992–93. Much of the commentary of the time focused on the uneasy relationship between U2, their previous incarnation as ‘saviours’ of rock'n'roll and their criticism/complicity with television. Instead, this paper focuses on the performing persona developed by the singer Bono, notably The Fly and MacPhisto. The specific reasons for this are twofold: first, to investigate the possibility of resistance articulated on the intersecting planes of performance and persona; and, second, to assess the impact of performance theory within the frame of cultural studies work, particularly in regard to performance studies avowed concern with plotting the shift from theory to practice. The wider frame of this paper is with a more rigorous application of interdisciplinary methods, which have long been (in principle) a core component of cultural studies work. Diamond argues, that ‘performance in all its hybridity would seem to make the best case for interdisciplinary thinking ... [where] the critique of performance merges with performance of critique’ (1996: 7–8).  相似文献   

10.
    
The study examines national identity in school curricula against the backdrop of globalization and its forces to create a universal global identity beyond particular affiliations. To that end, the study examines the problematic nature of Western notion of identity formation, and simultaneously asks whether political socialization in the nation-state school system is conducive of the development of cosmopolitan identity, an identity beyond national borders. Jordan, Israel, and Palestine are the three-case studies discussed in this article. Theoretically, the study contributes to the ongoing scholarly debate concerning the question of identity, political socialization, globalization, and nationalism. I make use of postcolonial theories to demonstrate the shortcomings of the logocentric way of theorizing identity as a binary twin, rooted in the relational formation between Self and Other, and search for alternative strategies to identity formation.  相似文献   

11.
    
The Equalities and Human Rights Commission (EHCR) investigation into anti‐semitism in the Labour Party, the virtual disavowal of the report by Jeremy Corbyn, his subsequent suspension from and then reinstatement to the party and then his exclusion from the Parliamentary Labour Party, raise issues far wider than just the EHRC’s legalistic and limited investigation.  相似文献   

12.
    
The article links Blanchot’s philosophical and political ideas. Embarking from his recurrent dialogue with Wittgenstein’s Tractatus, it traces the development of Blanchot’s “dissident” version of modernism and his notion of “writing”, alongside his post-war political involvement and writing. I argue that Blanchot never relinquished the purist modernist idea of the privilege of writing and with it the privilege of his own self-identification primarily as a writer. It is my contention that this emphasis sometimes obfuscated his vision, both conceptually and politically. I exemplify my claim by appealing to Blanchot’s unconditional support of Israel and Zionism.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

The British extreme right has always struggled to distance itself from the crimes of the Third Reich, not helped by the high level of Holocaust consciousness in Britain and by the importance of antisemitic conspiracy theory to British neo-fascist ideology. Bland’s article charts attempts by British neo-fascist actors to use Holocaust inversion and—by extension—anti-Zionism as a mask for their Nazi sympathies. It shall, first of all, demonstrate how the Israel–Palestine conflict was incorporated into British neo-fascist antisemitic discourse in the 1960s. It shall then use the 1980s National Front as a case study, to illustrate the manner in which the extreme right can use anti-Zionist activism as a tactic aimed at legitimizing its politics and gaining new supporters. The article therefore contributes to the historiographies of antisemitism and anti-Zionism in Britain, as well as to scholarly understandings of neo-fascism.  相似文献   

14.
行为人产生出卖目的的时间对于收买被拐卖妇女、儿童罪转化犯的认定具有重要作用.刑法对本罪除罪事由的规定具有合理性,同时,基于收买对象是妇女还是儿童的差异,对本罪除罪事由也应作不同理解.被害人承诺在符合一定条件的情况下,可以免除收买人的刑事责任.在罪数形态上,收买者同时实施了教唆、帮助拐卖行为的,构成牵连犯,应从一重处断;在构成本罪转化犯的情况下,行为人又实施了非法拘禁、虐待、强奸等行为的,不能实行数罪并罚,应以拐卖妇女、儿童罪一罪论处.  相似文献   

15.
    
The purpose of this article is to show how victims of the Tokwe-Mukosi floods became state victims instead of being protected and assisted by the state. The research used the qualitative research design and analyzed its material collected from primary and secondary sources and presented in themes. The study benefited from the human rights and victimhood concepts in its theoretical framework. It argues that the rights of the flood victims were violated when the government failed to fulfill its obligation and promises, which included urgently allocating plots and providing financial compensation. Accordingly, the victims were left without a permanent destination, clean water, food, or access to education and health facilities. When the affected people sought redress, the state deployed outright violence, using the police and the military to force the flood victims into compliance. The victims were forced to accept the inadequate one-hectare plots without receiving the monetary compensation the government had promised. Instead of contributing toward ending the challenges faced by the flood victims, some government officials worsened their plight. They engaged in corruption during the allocation of plots and the distribution of relief aid donated by nongovernmental organizations—hence my assertion that the Tokwe-Mukosi flood victims became state victims.  相似文献   

16.
审前羁押剥夺的是嫌疑人或被告人的人身自由 ,是对人权的侵犯与克减。基于无罪推定原则的要求 ,作为一种程序性裁判机制的审前羁押只能是一种例外的、最后才能采取的手段。  相似文献   

17.
    
After some failed attempts to regulate the lobbying, the Israeli Parliament—the Knesset—passed the Lobbyist Law on April 2nd 2008. Although lobbying is a common and legitimate part of the democratic process, it raises issues of trust, equality of access, and transparency. What motivated the MKs to regulate lobbying—public interest, private interest, or symbolic politics? The MKs claimed that the law was needed for improving transparency whereas MK Yechimovich declared that it balances the strength of the rich, represented by lobbyists and the wide public. Assessing the achieved transparency in the comparative framework of other lobbying regulatory regimes, we see that the law confers tangible benefits on powerful interest groups, while providing only symbolic gestures to the public. Lack of information available for MKs creates a need for lobbyists for political intelligence and MKs need to identify the interests in play to guarantee for themselves the necessary legislative subsidy. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

18.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(2):19-40
Abstract

When we think of the most egregious forms of intolerance directed against minority communities we tend to associate them with particularly despicable regimes, such as Nazi Germany or Soviet Russia, where racism, ideology or some special route to development is often held to blame, or where ultra-nationalism swamps positive tendencies towards democracy and a civil society. In this essay Levene proposes a partial corrective to this view with reference to the supposedly ‘good’ nation–state derived from the western liberal model. He considers the behaviour of two such states at their inception, Poland and Israel, with regard to two minorities, Jews and Arabs, with the Jews providing linkage between the two state trajectories. Levene charts their respective rejections of bi-national or multinational development, and suggests that the fact that both states today maintain a modicum of tolerance towards their residual Jewish and Arab minorities is more the result of (paradoxical) good luck than of conscious, benevolent design. In conclusion Levene proposes that the very nature of the modern nation–state militates against genuine pluralistic tolerance, a goal that requires a massive structural re-ordering of contemporary society away from global economies to a sustainability of human scale.  相似文献   

19.
论有保留的无罪推定原则   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
对现行刑事诉讼法典第12条规定的理解,刑事诉讼法学界有着不同的认识。虽然1996年立法机关没有采纳专家学的修改意见而直接明确规定无罪推定原则,但是,联系整个法典的条来看,除了对被告人享有沉默权予以保留外,已经肯定了无罪推定原则的绝大多数基本内容,可以认为确立了有保留的无罪推定原则,或说是不完整的无罪推定原则。  相似文献   

20.
    
With over 50% of Palestinians in diaspora, global constructions of what is Palestinian are central to Palestinian geopolitics. This article examines how the meanings and implications of the label “Palestinian” in diaspora are produced as Palestinians negotiate the politics of migration and citizenship while living in Cyprus. Using the concept of a geopolitical assemblage incorporates the role of state immigration control into a critical discussion of diaspora. Cyprus provides a complex context in which the momentary constructions of a Palestinian diaspora in relation to other geopolitical entities affects Palestinians despite their immigration or citizenship status in Cyprus.  相似文献   

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