Explaining Ethnic Autonomy Regimes in Latin America

Through a systematic examination of nine cases, the author identifies factors that enabled indigenous movements in five Latin American countries to secure formal recognition of politico-territorial autonomy regimes. All nine cases occurred within the framework of a larger regime bargain—either (1) peace talks intended to end armed struggle when the regime faced a serious challenge to maintain political order or territorial control, or (2) a severe crisis of legitimacy and governability that forced political elites to renegotiate fundamental regime structures via the process of constitutional reform. In the five successful cases, changes in the political opportunity structure occurred that favored indigenous autonomy claimants. These changes were the opening of access to decision-making spheres and the emergence of an influential ally. Donna Lee Van Cott is assistant professor of political science at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. She is author ofThe Friendly Liquidation of the Past: The Politics of Diversity in Latin America and editor ofIndigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America.     

The Political Regimes Project

The Political Regimes Project is a comprehensive effort to study the determinants and comparative performance of political regimes. The main goal of the project is to assemble and analyze a large cross-national dataset containing indicators of the three basic political regime types (democracy, totalitarianism, and authoritarianism) and a variety of politcal regime subtypes (e.g., parliamentary democracy, bureaucratic authoritarianism). This dataset will contain yearly measures of political regime type and subtype for 117 major countries from 1946 (or a country's first full year of independence) through 1988. The author plans to use this dataset as the basis for a comprehensive study of the determinants and performance of political regimes, and will eventually make the dataset available to other researchers. The comprehensive scope of the Political Regimes Database, its time series properties, and the elaborate typology of regimes that it is based upon will enable researchers to examine political regimes in novel ways that may yield valuable new insights. Mark J. Gasiorowski is an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70803. He has published recent articles inComparative Political Studies International Studies Quarterly, International Organization, and other journals, and is the author of a forthcoming book on U.S. foreign policy toward Iran.     

Worlds Apart: Social Policy Regimes in Latin America

The region of Latin America exhibits significant diversity with regard to the size and scope of social protection programs. In this article, I propose a new way of measuring a country’s “social policy regime,” moving past expenditure-based conceptions of welfare provision to incorporate the coverage of programs. Employing this new measure, I use cluster analysis to demonstrate that Latin American social policy regimes cluster into four distinct categories. I then employ the comparative historical method to test a theory of why countries fall into each of these four categories. The analysis provides evidence that a country’s record of industrialization, the nature of political incorporation, and levels of ethnic and racial diversity are key determinants of the size and scope of Latin America’s social policy regimes.     

New Political Movements and Governance in Latin America

ABSTRACT

This article argues that traditional governance in Latin America is in crisis. Globalization and IMF-advocated neoliberal economic policy have left the masses behind, despite the growth of democracy. Traditional governing structures often cannot respond to popular needs, and they are being challenged by a series of new, highly politicized social movements like the indigenous and peasant movements in Bolivia, popular assemblies in Argentina, and the Landless Movement in Brazil. In the process, new forms of popular mobilization and participatory decision making are challenging entrenched authoritarian attitudes and practices and making way for new political-bureaucratic structures and a new political culture.     

当前拉美左翼政党的三大特征

一般而言,拉美左翼政党是指拉美各国的共产党、社会民主党、民族主义党和新兴左翼联盟。自20世纪80年代起,深陷债务危机的拉美引进美国新自由主义经济发展模式,但新自由主义并没有将拉美带出困境,反而导致社会两极分化加剧,贪污腐败严重,失业人数增多,从而引发广大民众对传统右翼执政党的强烈不满。     

网络政治安全:一些国家执政当局面临的新课题及应对措施

近一二十年来,伴随着科学技术的巨大进步,信息社会生活时代的一个崭新现象就是互联网的迅猛发展。这种新的现代传媒工具与信息平台,在极大地方便民众工作和生活的同时,也给不少国家特别是许多发展中国家的执政党、执政当局带来了很大的冲击和挑战,由此形成的网络威胁甚至危及部分国家的政权稳定。此类情况已在当今世界多个国家相继上演。     

从女性参政看当前拉美妇女地位

近年来,拉美女性参政意识和热情高涨,女性参政蔚然成风,业已成为拉美国家政治生活中一道靓丽的风景线。2010年2月,劳拉·钦奇莉亚在哥斯达黎加总统选举中获胜,成为该国历史上第一位女总统;10月,迪尔玛·罗塞夫以56.05%的得票率当选巴西首位女总统。     

中国共产党与拉美政党的友好关系不断发展

拉丁美洲是发展中国家实行政党政治较早的地区。目前在拉美33国国内政治生活中,发挥重要作用的政党大约有150多个。这些政党大致可分为社会民主主义政党、基督教民主主义政党、新兴民族主义政治组织、左翼政党、其他民族民主政党等五种类型。拉美政党国际交往活跃,重视党际联系,大部分党分别参加了地区性或世界性政党组织,其中     

我党三代领导集体与拉丁美洲政党

中国共产党与拉丁美洲政党交往,实际上是从新中国成立之后开始的,至今我党与该地区90多个政党保持着友好关系,有力地促进了我国与拉美各国国家关系的发展。在这里,以毛泽东、邓小平和江泽民为核心的三代领导集体所做出的伟大贡献将流芳百世。 打破封锁,在拉美先做各国共产 党的工作 新中国成立之后,帝国主义在发动侵朝战争,从军事上威胁新中国的安全的同时,对我们进行严格     

2019年拉美地区形势：政局变乱交织、经济低迷徘徊

2019年,拉美地区形势“变”“乱”交织,政治格局深度调整,左、右翼较量陷入僵持,多国权力内斗加剧。地区经济低迷徘徊,脆弱性、结构性问题依旧。社会矛盾激化,多国爆发大规模骚乱。意识形态之争撕裂地区团结,一体化停滞不前。美国加大对地区事务的干涉力度,强化管控,突出“大国竞争”,全力巩固拉美“后院”,同时拉美各国加快外交多元化布局。在此背景下,中拉关系稳中有进,势头良好。     

Classifying political regimes

This study presents a classification of political regimes as democracies and dictatorships for a set of 141 countries between 1950 or the year of independence and 1990. It improves existing classifications by a better grounding in political theory, an exclusive reliance on observables rather than on subjective judgements, an explicit distinction between systematic and random errors, and a more extensive coverage.     

从拉美政治传统变迁透视洪都拉斯“6·28政变”

2009年6月28日,洪都拉斯发生政变,民选总统曼努埃尔·塞拉亚被军方扣押,并被强行转移到邻国哥斯达黎加。随后塞拉亚被最高法院罢免,国民议会议长罗伯托·米切莱蒂出任临时总统。洪都拉斯“6·28”事件引起拉美乃至世界范围的关注。这是该国自1981年实现民主化以来的首次政变,也是冷战结束后中美洲地区的首次政变;更为重要的是,这场政变会对拉美政治进程和民主化进程产生重要影响,唤起了人们对拉美军人干政传统、传统政治文化、政党体制等问题的重新思考。     

当代拉美政治思潮的基础、影响及实施前景

思潮是社会存在的产物,是一定时期内反映一定阶级、阶层的要求,得到广泛传播并对社会生活产生一定影响和作用的思想倾向、思想潮流.     

Demilitarisation in Latin America

Since the mid 1970s relations between the USA and Libya have been antagonistic. The radical policies the regime of Muammar Qadaaffi has pursued have made Libya one of the USA's bêtes noires . The reasons for US antagonism derive from Libya's repression at home, its alleged support for terrorism and for radical movements opposed to US interests, its staunch opposition to Israel, and its anti-Western rhetoric. Libya's hostility towards the USA rests on a perception of the USA as a global power intent on maintaining its hegemony and control over the Arab and Islamic world. Libyans have been resentful of US support of Israel to the detriment of Arabs and Muslims. Libya's resolute opposition to the USA especially in the 1980s, resulted in a series of military confrontations. The USA has maintained sanctions despite the suspension of UN sanctions on Libya in 1999. The USA has retained Libya on its short list of 'rogue states' despite recognition that Libya has stopped sponsoring terrorism. The contention here is that Libya, like the other 'rogue states', provides justification for US domestic policies (eg National Missile Defense). Given the events of 11 September 2001 in the US, it is quite conceivable that Libya could become a target of the US antiterrorism campaign. The USA could at last find valid justification for the removal of the Qadaffi regime.     

Maturation of Public Administration in a Multicultural Environment: Lessons from the Anglo-Saxon,Latin, and Scandinavian Political Traditions

Abstract

A comparative analysis is made of three different models of public administration: the Anglo-Saxon, the Latin, and the Scandinavian. The purpose of this comparison is to analyze how these ideal-types of public administration handle the issue of power. Our argument is that without understanding and facing the issue of the amount of power that bureaucrats and politicians possess in any society, public administration will continue to be handicapped to understand the dynamics of the real world and therefore grow as a discipline. This is so despite the universalist claims of the currently fashionable ideas of the New Public Management.