基层民主选举与改善和加强党的领导

竞争性选举是政党发挥应有功能的必要条件.马恩列斯也主张党应高于选举,但要通过竞争性选举来密切与群众的联系.市场经济条件下要通过竞争性选举加强和改善基层党组织的领导.     

The Political Economy of Russian Gubernatorial Election and Appointment

Political and economic outcomes depend, in part, on the quality of the officials making policy. Some argue that free elections are the best method for selecting competent officials. Others argue that elections lead to the selection of amateurs and demagogues. We use original data on the biographies of Russian regional governors to examine the backgrounds of elected and appointed governors. Elected governors are more likely to be locals. Appointed governors are more likely to be federal bureaucrats or hold a graduate degree. We conclude the paper by speculating on other possible explanations for variation in governor background.     

2009年德国大选评析

本文通过对2009年德国大选年形势和特点的多角度分析,探讨了大选结果对德国政局、政党体系和选举政治的影响以及默克尔领导的中右翼政府的政策走向.认为选举结果的意义在于:巩固了稳定的"五党并立"政党体制,呈现出多种新型的政治联盟的可能性;社民党选票大幅下跌,宣告了"新中间道路"的终结以及社民党漫长的复兴之路;默克尔蝉联总理职位,联盟党与自民党结成中右政府上台执政,预示着中右翼保守主义得势将是今后四年政府政策发展的基本趋向.     

奥巴马当选与美国变革

2008年11月5日，耗时近两年的美国总统大选落下帷幕，据美国有线电视新闻网（CNN）最新统计，民主党总统候选人奥巴马共获得365张选举人票和53％的普选票，麦凯恩仅获得162张选举人票和46％的普选票；在同时进行的国会两院改选中，民主党分别获得参议院100席中的57席和众议院435席中的255席，继续控制国会且优势进一步扩大，奥巴马高票当选美国第56届总统、第44任总统，将于2009年1月20日正式宣誓就职。本次大选是美国发展到关键阶段举行的具有里程碑意义的历史性选举，     

法国总统选举中的新看点

2007年最引人瞩目的选举莫过于法国的总统选举了.从去年的11月一直到现在,它不仅拨动着每一个法国人的心弦,也牵动着全世界的目光.     

荷兰2002年大选评析

本文对荷兰2002年5月大选的竞选过程及其结果做了初步分析,认为由于欧洲右翼化政治转向和国内突发事件特别是新极右翼政治家佛图被暗杀的共同影响,新极右翼政治议题和政党主导了本次大选.像其它许多欧盟国家一样,已连续两届执政的工党联盟政府尽管取得了相当不错的经济政绩却成为最大的输家,而温和保守的基督教民主党领导的中右联盟成了选民的政治选择.     

英国工党竞选运动的新变化

自 2 0世纪 80年代中期 ,英国工党竞选运动发生变革 ,其主要特征表现为竞选运动组织的专业化 ,选举宣传战略的媒体化 ,选举战略的民意化 ,竞选运动的个人魅力化和政党纲领的非意识形态化等。这些变革帮助工党赢得 1997年和 2 0 0 1年大选 ,同时对工党的组织结构、权力分配和纲领等各方面产生了深远影响。     

新工党与2001年英国大选--兼论工党与保守党的共识政治

英国保守党的衰微为布莱尔的再次当选以及新工党的第二届任期铺平了道路.但是,由于新工党长期奉行实用主义策略,尽管它试图走出与保守党趋同的怪圈,但它仍然不得不遵循英国两党共识政治的逻辑.     

Winning Iran's Election Is Just The Beginning Of Rouhani's Political Struggles

Iran's president may have been re‐elected, but he'll need to win the supreme leader's support and get foreign powers to engage with Tehran to be successful.     

It's Time for the Direct Election of a European President

The future of the European Union has never been more in doubt than at the very moment it has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for its historical accomplishments. When the heads of Europe's weakest institutions—the Commission, the Council and the Parliament—collected the prize in Oslo on December 10, 2012 they spotlighted the nub of the problem. Unless these institutions can garner the legitimacy of European citizens and transform into a real federal union with common fiscal and economic policies to complement the single currency, Europe will remain at the mercy of global financial markets and the fiscally authoritarian dictates of its strongest state, Germany. Moving beyond this state of affairs was the focus of a recent “town hall” gathering in Berlin sponsored by the Berggruen Institute on Governance. The meeting brought together current power brokers—such as the contending voices of German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble and French Finance Minister Pierre Moscovici, who rarely appear in public together—as well as Europe's top former leaders, key thinkers and young people who will govern in the future. The peace‐building project of the European Union was born out of the ashes of World War II and the anguish of the Cold War. Yet, as George Soros points out, its current inability to resolve the eurocrisis by forging greater union is dividing Europe once again, this time between creditors and debtors. Former Greek premier George Papandreou has warned that this division is fomenting a new politics of fear that is giving rise to the same kind of xenophobic movements that fueled the extreme politics of the Nazi era. To avoid a repeat of the last calamitous century, Europe first of all needs a growth strategy both to escape the “debt trap” it is in—and which austerity alone will only deepen—and to create breathing space for the tough structural reforms that can make Europe as a whole competitive again in a globalized world. To sustain reform, it needs a clear path to legitimacy for the institutions that must govern a federal Europe. The proof that Europe can escape its crisis through a combination of growth, fiscal discipline and structural reform comes from the one country so many want to keep out of the union: Turkey. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan rightfully boasts of Turkey's accomplishments that resulted from the difficult changes carried out after its crisis in 2001—ranging from quickly cleaning up the banks to liberalizing markets to trimming social benefits to make them more affordable in the long run. As a result, Turkey today is the fastest growing economy in the world alongside China with diminished deficit and debt levels that meet the eurozone criteria that many members states themselves cannot today meet. Turkey has even offered a 5 billion euro credit through the IMF for financial aid to Europe. Germany itself also provides some lessons for the rest of Europe. The obvious reason Germany rules today is because it is the most globally competitive country in the European Union. That is the result of a series of reforms that were implemented starting in 2003 under the leadership of then‐chancellor Gerhard Schröder. Aimed a bolstering Germany's industrial base and its collateral small and medium enterprises which are the foundation of its middle class society, those reforms introduced more labor flexibility and trimmed benefits to make them sustainably affordable while investing in training, maintaining skills and research and development. Even if Europe's individual nation states can shrink imbalances by following Turkey and Germany in getting their act together, the only ultimate way to save the euro, and thus Europe itself, is to build the complementary governing institutions at the European level. For those institutions to become effective, they must be empowered and legitimated by European citizens themselves. To this end, Tony Blair has suggested a bold move: the direct election of a European president. Symbolically, the Oslo ceremonies were a historical turning point for Europe. By recognizing the European Union's peace‐making past, the Nobel Prize challenged Europe to escape once and for all the destructive pull of narrow national interests and passions.     

大选后的日本政治与外交

2009年8月底，日本第45届大选落幕。民主党大获全胜，取代长期盘踞执政宝座的自民党，首次成为执政党。9月16日，民主党党首鸠山由纪夫顺利当选日本首相，并与社民党、国民新党组成三党联合政府。这将对未来日本政治权力结构、国内政治思潮、国家发展模式、内外政策产生何种影响，值得关注。     

深度解析日本大选

当前日本政局动荡不定，在众议院即将于2009年9月10日任期届满前夕，7月21日上午，麻生太郎内阁的全体成员集体签署了众院解散诏书，正式决定于8月18日发布众议院选举公告，并于8月30日投票选出新一届众议院。近来，执政的自民党在东京都等连续五次地方选举中接连败给民主党。日本纷乱的政局成为目前人们关注的热点。     

Democracy Promotion and Authoritarian Diffusion: The Foreign Origins of Post-Soviet Election Laws

Flawed electoral legislation in post-Soviet states has facilitated the conduct of undemocratic elections. This article argues that the low quality of electoral legislation in the region results in large part from a process of ‘authoritarian diffusion’, whereby the election laws of the post-Soviet states extensively borrow and adapt from Soviet laws and post-communist Russian laws. The authorities of most post-Soviet states have routinely disregarded recommendations by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Venice Commission to improve electoral legislation. Besides presenting evidence of ‘authoritarian diffusion’ across the post-Soviet area, the article highlights the enduring impact of the Soviet legacy and of Russia's relatively hegemonic position in the region.     

德国民主社会主义党大选失利及未来走向

在德国2002年大选中,民主社会主义党被挤出联邦议会,其失利的重要原因是社会民主党政策上向左摆动抢了它的地盘和话题.在党代会上,民社党"正统派"把"改革派"清除出党的领导层,同时把未来的走向定为抗议性"反对党".但由于该党面临分裂的危险,也未真正找到符合时代和国情要求的发展路线,前途实际上相当渺茫.西欧左翼党和共产党大都有相同的处境,面临着类似问题.     

杜马大选前后的俄罗斯联邦共产党

俄罗斯联邦第四届国家杜马选举于2003年12月7日举行.俄共全力以赴迎接杜马大选,力图获得杜马第一大党的地位.然而事与愿违,在这次如期举行的杜马选举中,俄共受到重创,得票率仅为12.7%,比1999年几乎减少一半,沦为杜马第二大党.造成俄共此次杜马选举失利的原因,既有社会、政治多方面的客观因素影响,也有俄共自身策略方面的严重失误.此次杜马选举的失利把俄共推向了十字路口,使俄共面临自1993年重建以来最严重的危机和挑战:是继续萎缩直至最后消亡,还是痛定思痛通过改革重新走向复兴之路.     

从2009超级大选年看德国左翼党

2009年因为在德国要举行一系列重要选举而被称为"超级大选年".在这个超级大选年里,在原东德执政党--统一社会党基础上建立起来的德国左翼党的崛起,对于德国各个政党以及政党体制产生了巨大影响.本文分析了德国左翼党的历史渊源、发展过程以及目前面临的问题与挑战,从一个重要侧面反映了德国政治的现状,尤其是以社会主义为目标的政党在德国的发展.     

印度人民院大选情况初析

印度号称世界上最大的民主国家,拥有11.5亿人口和数千个政党。问及印度任何一个政党负责人：最重要的事情是什么？对方必然回答：选举。若问：最重要的选举是什么？答案一定是：人民院大选。印度人民院相当于议会下院,是国家主要立法机构,主要职能包括制定法律和修改宪法、调控联邦政府收支、对联邦政府提出不信任案,