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In this study, we unite two experimental traditions to examinethe impact of discursive processes on political decision making.We directly manipulate the presence and timing of discussionin the "divide-the-dollar" game to assess the effects of discussionon participants' allocations and perceptions of the game's legitimacy.To investigate the influence of structure, we also manipulatethe presence of a majority/minority cleavage among participants.The dependent measures in all instances are the players' allocations,the outcome of the game, and psychometric indicators of legitimacyperceptions. Results indicate that the presence of discussioncan generate outcomes that are perceived as more equitable andfair in some circumstances—namely, when a cleavage ispresent. These findings establish the utility of this paradigm,as well as an important baseline for assessing the probableimpacts of proposals to integrate deliberation into politicaldecision making.  相似文献   

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政府有效性:理论涵义与现实途径   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
现代社会经济的发展与现代政府的有效性是内在关联的。本文讨论了政府有效性的理论涵义并分析了提高我国政府有效性的8个途径。  相似文献   

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This paper attempts, for the first time, to assess the relationships between budget transparency, fiscal situation, and political turnout using a comparative international approach. With this aim, the authors build a comprehensive index of budget transparency encompassing 40 budget features based on international standards for a sample of 41 countries. They find a positive relationship between national government fiscal balance and budget transparency: The more information the budget discloses, the less the politicians can use fiscal deficits to achieve opportunistic goals. The univariate analysis shows a positive relationship between political turnout and transparency. This result gives some evidence of a positive answer to the question raised by James Alt and David Dreyer Lassen: Does transparency affect political outcomes such as turnout? To some extent, that the more transparent the budget reports are, the more incentives people have to vote. With respect to three variables—transparency, government fiscal balance, and electoral turnout—three clusters of countries arise: low transparency–fiscal imbalance, low transparency–small fiscal imbalance and high transparency–fiscal surplus.  相似文献   

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State governments are frequently said to manipulate the discount rate assumption to make pension funding look better, reduce employers' and employees' pension contributions, or relieve fiscal stress. Building a model from the political embeddedness perspective and applying an event history analysis to the 81 largest state‐administered pension plans in the United States, the authors found that more politically embedded pension boards were actually more likely to reduce their plan's discount rate. Public union coverage and government political ideology, however, had no significant impact on discount rate changes. These findings reveal the effect of political embeddedness on pension planning decisions and provide useful insights into the intricate process of setting pension discount rates in a new era of more muted investment return expectations. This article points to both political and financial pressures facing pension boards and state governments for many years to come.  相似文献   

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Ostrom  Vincent 《Publius》1985,15(1):55-64
The place of theory as providing a context for meaning is furtherelaborated on the presumption that an individuality principleor theorem of fundamental theoretical importance is being advancedby Alexander Hamilton in Federalist 15 and 16. Following ErnstCassirer, the argument is advanced that theoretical definitionsdepend upon a computational logic that enables one to statecausal antecedents that yield a conceptualized effect. Thisis the type of language that is used by artisans to create artifactsincluding those forms of artisanship that are concerned withthe nature and constitution of order in human societies.  相似文献   

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作为我国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设的总设计师 ,邓小平对经济体制改革的历史贡献早已家喻户晓。相比之下 ,由于种种原因 ,他对政治体制改革的历史贡献 ,人们知之甚少 ,其实 ,仔细研究邓小平的革命实践和《邓小平文选》第二、三卷以及《邓小平思想年谱》 ,再回顾和联系我国 2 0多年来政治体制改革的历史进程和取得的显著成绩 ,我们可以清晰地看出 ,邓小平为启动和推进我国政治体制改革起着十分关键的作用 ,作出了非常突出的贡献。一、早在十一届三中全会召开前夕 ,邓小平在一系列重要讲话中 ,就已开始谈论和事先提出政治体制改革的问题 ,…  相似文献   

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This study of Plato's Protagoras seeks not only to advance the understanding of ancient sophistry, a task both important in its own right and essential to the study of the history of political thought, but also to lay a foundation for subsequent inquiries into the connection between ancient sophistry and the relativism characteristic of our age. According to the Protagoras , the chief difference between philosopher and sophist is that the latter wrongly believes himself to be beyond or above the concern for justice as a virtue; the examination of Protagoras' moral teaching, then, proves to be the key to understanding him and therewith the intellectual position he represents .  相似文献   

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Increasing concern about political 'sleaze' prompted the establishment, in 1995, of the Standing Committee of Standards in Public Life and the announcement, in 1999, of proposals to reform political party finance in the UK. A 'public choice' analysis predicts 'opportunism' by representatives at the expense of 'rationally ignorant' voters. It commends constitutional constraints to restrict the range of policy options open to representatives. By contrast, a 'transactions costs' approach suggests that electoral competition can offer protection when voters rely on 'party signal' as a low cost information source. If voters reduce transactions costs by relying on party signal, politicians have an incentive to maintain party reputation. Representatives are more willing than might otherwise be anticipated to accept the need for regulation if this serves to protect reputation.  相似文献   

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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(1):94-112
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This paper focuses on a specific aspect of political imaginaries: political myth. What are political myths? What role do they play within today's commoditized political imaginaries? What are the conditions for setting up a critique of them? We will address these questions, by putting forward a theory of political myth which situates itself between psycho analysis and political philosophy, in line with the tradition of critical theory that many still associate with the name of the Frankfurt School. We will first discuss the notion of political myth by illustrating the contribution of both disciplines to its understanding and then, through a discussion of the notion of social unconscious, we will apply this analysis to a contemporary example of political myth, that of a clash of civilizations.  相似文献   

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In responding to Professor Lynn's criticism that the field of public administration has been insufficiently attentive to law, this article offers an alternative perspective on the source of administrative legitimacy. Leonard White understood that public administration is shaped by its broader context. It does not assert its own values but, in an effort to maintain legitimacy, reflects the political and cultural values of its environment. In White's time, the extraordinary challenges that the state faced, and its subsequent transformation, demanded a management capacity that previously had not existed. While the role of law as a formal means of control is generally accepted, it must take its place with management and other administrative values in the exercise of legal discretionary behavior. Asserting law, or any other single administrative value, as dominant undercuts other values that act as sources of legitimacy.  相似文献   

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Corruption: An Alternative Approach to Its Definition and Measurement   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Discussion of the definition of corruption has progressed little since Heidenheimer's groundbreaking distinction between definitions centred on public opinion, public office and public interest. All these definitions have been severely criticised. I suggest that underneath these traditional concepts of corruption lurks a much older one based on distributive justice – namely the 'impartiality principle', whereby a state ought to treat equally those who deserve equally. This principle provides a much more plausible reason for why the public condemns corruption than alternative approaches, and, moreover, it is recognised fairly universally: the implicit distinction between 'public' and 'private' is certainly neither as 'modern' nor as 'Western' as many have claimed. The universality of the principle of impartiality does not imply universality of its content: who deserves equally, or, alternatively, on which grounds discrimination is ruled out, will be answered differently at different periods in time and will vary from society to society. The impartiality principle provides a starting point for the discussion of both corruption in 'traditional' societies and contemporary political corruption – corruption involving violations of specific non-discrimination norms governing the access to the political process and the allocation of rights and resources. The impartiality principle calls for rule-bound administration and thus underpins the public office definition of corruption. A central element of the analysis of corruption is the study of specific non-discrimination norms and their comparison across time and place. This approach leads to a significant enrichment of the concept of corruption.  相似文献   

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