Deadly Words: State Power and the Entanglement of Speech and Violence in Hate Crime

Any analysis of hate crime that attempts to separate speech from action, language from violence, faces epistemological difficulties that limit the range of conversations about laws responding to identity-based injury in the United States. Active debates have raged over the implications of bias crime sentence enhancement laws for the protection of ‘freespeech’, thus addressing the inextricability of language and meaning from hate crime. Those in favor of legal responses to identity-based injury tend toward essentialist claims which assume the stability of identity and of meanings inherent in words or actions. Those opposed assert the impossibility of codifying the meaning of words or actions in the law, and/or they worry about the reification of (victimized) identities accompanying bias crime statutes. This article argues that the focus on language and speech in these debates simultaneously enables an evasion of discussion about the law's response to bias-related violence, and misleadingly assumes too much stability in the functions of law and the nature of state power. Interviews conducted by the author with individuals involved in a 1992 racist hate crime are used to show the diverse elements of state power suffusing the incident and its aftermath. An analysis of the crime's investigation and prosecution under a Maryland hate crime statute suggests that law enforcement officers are primarily using hate crime laws as public relations tools in a fight against community perceptions that they are themselves bigots. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

A hypothetical neurological association between dehumanization and human rights abuses

Dehumanization is anecdotally and historically associated with reduced empathy for the pain of dehumanized individuals and groups and with psychological and legal denial of their human rights and extreme violence against them. We hypothesize that ‘empathy’ for the pain and suffering of dehumanized social groups is automatically reduced because, as the research we review suggests, an individual''s neural mechanisms of pain empathy best respond to (or produce empathy for) the pain of people whom the individual automatically or implicitly associates with her or his own species. This theory has implications for the philosophical conception of ‘human’ and of ‘legal personhood’ in human rights jurisprudence. It further has implications for First Amendment free speech jurisprudence, including the doctrine of ‘corporate personhood’ and consideration of the potential harm caused by dehumanizing hate speech. We suggest that the new, social neuroscience of empathy provides evidence that both the vagaries of the legal definition or legal fiction of ‘personhood’ and hate speech that explicitly and implicitly dehumanizes may (in their respective capacities to artificially humanize or dehumanize) manipulate the neural mechanisms of pain empathy in ways that could pose more of a true threat to human rights and rights-based democracy than previously appreciated.     

网络暴力言论治理的国际经验及其借鉴简

网络暴力言论是对公众合法权益、政府公信力、网络空间与实体社会秩序的挑战,并已成为产生网络风险的重要诱因之一.网络暴力言论的存在不只是利益关系复杂化、网民结构年轻化、道德自律意识薄弱等原因所致,也与当下网络的商业化运作、公民表达渠道不畅、媒体素养教育缺失等因素有关.发达国家在政府重视保障公民表达自由的前提下,加强了对网络内容的治理.借鉴发达国家依法治理网络暴力言论的成熟经验,引导网民担当起维护文明与道德的使命,已成为当前政府的一项重要工作.     

Affairs of the Heart: Hate Crime and the Politics of Crime Control

Various scholars have noted the priority given to law in the politics of hate violence; violence is the problem and law, more specifically the criminal law, the solution at the ‘heart’ of society. This article seeks to explore some of the gaps and silences in the existing literature and politics that mobilize these ideas and associations. It is the gap sand silences associated with demands for and expectations of criminal justice that will be the particular concern of this article. The demand for law is examined by way of David Garland's recent work on the culture of crime control. His work offers an analysis of the contemporary place of crime control in Anglo-American liberal democracies. A distinctive feature of his analysis is to be found in the way it maps an important paradox of contemporary crime control; its political centrality and an increasing recognition of its limitations. Garland's ‘criminology of the self’ and the ‘criminology of the other’ raise some important challenges for those who advocate resort to crime control. My particular concern is to consider the significance of Garland's work for a contemporary sexual politics that puts violence and criminal justice at the heart of that politics. Feminist, gay and lesbian scholarship first on criminal justice and second, on violence and law will be used to develop a critical dialogue with Garland's analysis and to reflect upon the challenges raised by his insights into contemporary crime control. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.     

水人权:人权法上的水权

离开了水,人类无法生存.因此,水人权是一项基本人权.这已经为国际法充分承认.国家有义务尽可能利用其现有资源实施水人权.尽管水人权属于经济、社会及文化权利的范畴,是国家应当采取措施逐步充分实现的人权,但国家也负有一定的立即履行的义务.然而,在国家层面上,包括我国在内的多数国家存在一个需要解决的共同问题,即缺乏系统、有效的规定和保护.     

马克思与现代自然法思想的内在难题——基于《论犹太人问题》的分析

在人类法律思想的发展史上,现代自然法思想奠定了现代法律思想的基础,成为了资产阶级革命最为有力的武器。然而,自其诞生开始,现代自然法思想就蕴含着内在矛盾,该矛盾在资产阶级革命胜利之后进一步凸显出来。马克思走向成熟时期的论著——《论犹太人问题》——揭示了这一矛盾的深层次原因。而且,马克思进一步指出,人要获得最后的解放必须批判随资产阶级革命而建立起来的现实世界,并最终消除导致人之异化的资本。如此,现代自然法思想中的难题也才有了彻底解决的可能。     

比较法与冲突法关系之重新厘定

在冲突法的发展中 ,比较法一直扮演着重要角色。它提供了外国法的信息 ,推动着冲突规范的起草并指引冲突规范的适用。但从方法论的角度来看 ,二者又存在着潜在的对抗。随着欧洲一体化进程的加快和基本权利地位的提升 ,它从根本上改变着比较法与冲突法的关系 ,并将其引向了一个更新、更高的平台。相比之下 ,美国冲突法的乡土观念却使得比较法与冲突法间的盟友关系在美国本土变得十分脆弱。只有加强比较研究 ,才能从根本上改变美国冲突法的这种“岛国心态”。     

论中国宪法与国际人权法对三代人权的保护

在人类发展的不同历史阶段上,在同一历史时期不同社会发展水平的空间分布上,人权都被赋予了不同的内容。迄今,已产生了三代人权。国际社会制定了一系列的国际人权文件,从国际法上对三代人权予以确认。中华人民共和国成立以后,借鉴有关国际人权法和外国宪法,先后颁布了四部宪法和相关修正案,对三代人权予以不同程度的确认,但也还有一些基本人权没有涉及,或者尚未明示确认。建议以后修宪时将三代人权的主要内容明确、完整地予以确认,必要时可作适当声明和保留,以完善我国宪法对三代人权的保护。     

人权基本概念的演变与人权发展历程

人权是我们这个时代的共同话语,同时也是一个深刻、敏感并极富争议性的论题,其中人权概念就是一个必须认真对待的基本问题。现代人权概念是一个历时性与共时性相互作用的产物。在人类的人权发展史上,曾先后出现过人权的几个基本概念,厘清这些概念将有助于我们理解人权概念本身的演变及其内涵与外延的丰富与发展过程。它们从某个角度记载了人权事业发展的曲折艰难历程和人类在人权事业上不断进步的足迹。     

论媒体与司法的内在规则与外在效果

司法活动和媒体表达是人类社会生活的两个面相。司法权可以裁处媒体的行为,媒体的刑事责任源于言论自由与国家安全的冲突,民事责任源于言论自由与公民私权的矛盾。媒体可以监督司法权,媒体与司法的冲突表现为言论自由与独立公正审判的矛盾。媒体与司法有统一的一面,也有冲突的一面,两者的合理要么维持原有社会秩序,要么推动着社会的发展。     

公安机关在行政执法中必须尊重和保障人权

十届全国人大第二次会议将“国家尊重和保障人权”写入新修正的《中华人民共和国宪法》,是中国特色社会主义人权观 的重大突破。当前公安民警在行政执法中尊重和保障人权方面存在的问题十分突出。落实“国家尊重和保障人权”的宪法规定,要把 打击违法犯罪和保护人权贯穿于行政执法的全过程。     

和谐社会、法治文明与公民权利保障

建设和谐社会的目标包括了法治建设的根本内容,法治文明、法治社会是和谐社会的要求和保障。法治文明形成的历史过程决定现代法治必然以保障公民权利为和谐,保障公民权利贯穿于法治文明的各项内在要求。我国要建立社会主义和谐社会,必须通过改进公民权利规定、进一步合理约束政府权力和完善公民权利表达与救济途径来实现。此外,针对社会中特殊群体,国家须采取特别措施,以真正保障全体公民的权利。     

Accommodating Religious Beliefs: Harm,Clothing or Symbols,and Refusals to Serve Others

Is there a middle path between the existing case law of the European Court of Human Rights, which rarely requires accommodation of a religious individual's beliefs, and a ‘general right to conscientious objection’, which would exempt religious individuals from all anti‐discrimination and other rules interfering with manifestations of their beliefs? The author argues that failure to accommodate is better analysed as prima facie indirect discrimination, to highlight the exclusionary effects of non‐accommodation on religious minorities, and that the presence or absence of direct or indirect harm to others (or cost, disruption or inconvenience to the accommodating party) could guide case‐by‐case assessments of whether the prima facie indirect discrimination is justified. The author then applies a harm analysis to the examples of religious clothing or symbols and religiously motivated refusals to serve others, recently considered by the European Court of Human Rights in Eweida and Others v United Kingdom.     

免于贫困的权利及其法律保障机制

减少贫困问题是一个国际学术热点。现有的“基于人权的减贫方法”无论是在法律本体论还是规范实效性上都具有不可克服的缺陷,应当转变为“免于贫困的权利方法”。免于贫困的权利是人类享有维持体面生活所必需的物质资料和文化产品,并通过获得均等的减贫机会,参与、促进减贫并分享减贫成果之积极行为来实现的权利。该权利与人的尊严密切相关,具备人权的逻辑要素,且不能被国际人权公约所列举的人权形式所替代或覆盖,因而是一项独立的人权。应当在全球层面构建免于贫困权利的新型义务谱系和法律实施机制。     

贸易与人权关系初探——兼论WTO与人权

2001年11月在卡塔尔首都多哈举行的WTO第四次部长级会议通过了《关于TRIPS协议和公共健康宣言》引起了在WTO范围内知识产权的保护和人权保护之间关系的讨论,进而扩展到WTO法与国际人权法之间的关系。贸易和人权二者之间虽然存在着一定的冲突,但是二者在发展历史和实践中的联系却是不可忽视的。在现有的WTO框架下,发达国家和发展中国家基于各自的利益,都在人权问题上向对方发难。人权迟早会被纳入WTO的考虑范围之内,关键是以何种方式将其纳入WTO的范围。《多哈TRIPS宣言》是一种比较实际的方式,即就具体问题所涉及的人权达成具有国际法拘束力的协议,采用逐个、渐进的方式将人权纳入到WTO范围之内。     

The Dissemination of Detainees Awaiting Trial Before International and Internationalized Criminal Tribunals

This paper will focus on the rights attributed to detainees who are facing charges before international and internationalized criminal courts. The question is whether their position merits a different approach compared to the position of detainees who are confronted with domestic criminal trials. In particular, this paper will address the question whether, and to what extent, international human rights have a direct effect on the position of the former detainees. Attention will focus on case law of the European Court of Human Rights vis-a-vis the rights of detainees and the impact thereof on the position of detainees who are held in custody on behalf of international and internationalized criminal courts. The author is Professor of International Criminal Law at Utrecht University (The Netherlands), defence counsel acting before the ICTY, ICTR and SCSL, and a partner of the law firm Knoops & Partners Advocaten in Amsterdam, the Netherlands.     

全球疫情背景下贸易自由与人权保护互动机制的完善

贸易自由和人权保护之间长期互动,并诞生了不同的理论支持各自的观点。二战后,国际贸易体制与人权保护机制也在各自的道路上不断发展并深化。在新冠肺炎疫情影响下,为了应对贸易自由和人权保护带来的制度性冲突,我国应以人类命运共同体理念为指引,对基本人权进行最大程度的保护,同时保障目前国际贸易体制正常有序的运转与发展。我们应采取有效措施,在短期内达到抗击疫情、稳定形势、保护生命、维持贸易的目的;在长期的发展中进行价值性引领,通过制度设计促进合作,最终达到繁荣贸易、保护人权的目标。     

Negligence and Human Rights Law: The Case for Separate Development

A number of judges and academics have argued in favour of the convergence of negligence law with human rights law. By contrast, the thesis of this article is that the two legal orders should develop independently, so that for the most part the law of negligence ought not to be affected by human rights considerations. It is argued that the case for convergence is based on two false assumptions, namely that human rights law and negligence law perform similar functions within our legal order and that the norms of human rights law are more fundamental than the norms encapsulated in negligence law. It is also argued that convergence would undermine the coherence of negligence law. Ultimately, the case for separate development rests on the desirability of recognising public law and private law as autonomous normative systems with their own distinctive rationales, concepts and core principles.