中联重科vs.三一重工:商道,还是黑道?

在公开报道中,我们看到的满是黑色与罪恶,节操碎了一地。更严重的在于,连这些是真是假都还未弄清楚,口水就已经满天飞。说起商战,人们脑海中,常会浮现"波诡云谲"四个字。一般打法,都在台面之上。专攻下三路的,我也听闻过。比如曾经赫赫有名的A公司,对拥有更强研发能力的B公司,简直达到寝食难安的地步。曾买通监管单位头目,制造假...     

Cambodia: “Operation total victory no. 43”

Abstract

Rising high above the lush Cambodian jungle, the spiraled gray towers of Angkor Wat mark the cosmological center of one of the most brillant ancient civilizations of Southeast Asia. Today, all that remains of this vast Khmer kingdom is a nation about the size of Washington state, a nation inhabited by nearly seven million people; most of whom spend their lives in the verdant paddy fields surrounding their village. Although proud of their heritage, they do not aspire to new glories of conquest and empire. Rather the Cambodians have long sought one-thing: peace.     

兰克 VS. 德约:均势现实主义与霸权现实主义

现代均势论实际上继承了兰克基于对历史经验的总结形成的均势思想的两大根本前提,即大国倾向和欧洲中心倾向,而由此造成的结果是现代均势论同时也继承了兰克思想中固有的国际政治视野的狭隘性,即忽视历史上那个同大陆均势体系同时并存的大洋霸权体系。在战后出版的均势论著中,对兰克均势思想的狭隘性做出重要修正的,是20世纪德国大历史学家路德维格.德约。德约对兰克均势思想进行修正的意义,就在于指出了均势逻辑得以运行的两项前提条件,一是均势逻辑的适用范围仅仅是大陆体系而不是大洋体系,二是历史上欧洲大陆均势体系的形成主要得益于那些占主导地位的海上强国对大陆局势的干预。德约提示的这两项限制条件对促进现实主义理论的深入发展具有极为重要的意义。     

“I Fought. I Screamed. I Bit”: The Assertion of Rights Within Historic Abuse Inquiry Transcripts

ABSTRACT

This article examines how treating historic abuse inquiry testimonies as retrospective assertions of rights can help to shed light on how this abuse was able to occur and how memories are recalled in an inquiry environment. It presents its approach as a possible framework for other historians seeking to analyse testimonies with sensitivity. It uses, as an example, a case study from the Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse concerning two interrelated “homes” for girls, showing the ways in which abuse survivors can use their testimonies to assert rights denied them in the past and further the goals of public inquiries.     

L''''ESSAI SUR LES CAUSES DE LA RUPTURE ENTRE LE P. C. F. ET LE P. S. EN 1977

1972年6月,法国共产党和法国社会党签署了《共同执政纲领》,翻开了法国左派各党联合的新篇章。1977年议会选举,左派联合大有改变右派长期当权的政治格局之势,形势对左派极为有利。然而在向夺取政权迈进之时,法共与社会党在如何实施《共同执政纲领》的问题上发生严重分歧,导致了法国两大左派党的分裂,左翼联盟在议会选举中失利。从表面上看,分歧的焦点在于国有化问题:法共要求大规模国有化,而社会党则反对。但从更深层次上看,国有化规模之大小以及如何管理国有化企业等问题与两党在未来左派政府中的地位及其在工会中的作用和影响息息相关。     

The Struggle Against Corruption: Progress at a Snail's Pace. Why?

In 2010 the author, in an article for this journal, questioned the methods put forward by the international donor community to overcome corruption in the transitional and developing countries of the world. Five years on, the progress against this scourge has been minimal. In this article the author explores some of the reasons why. Apart from the obvious reason, namely the failure of political will in the countries themselves, he outlines some of the policy and practical errors that continue to hinder the progress that could be made.

Most of these errors are laid at the door of the international donor community, which perpetuates the remedies it advocates in spite of the evidence of failure. They range from a national anticorruption strategy that addresses corruption only in the public sector, to a policy of pursuing “grand corruption” but not “petty corruption” to insisting on an asset declaration system aimed at catching the corrupt and deterring others instead of aiming the system at identifying conflict of interest.

These egregious errors, among others described in this article, are the direct cause of lack of progress against a problem internationally recognized as destructive of everything the affected countries are striving to build. In the author's view the errors can and should be corrected. The remedies are relatively simple.     

Primordialism vs. instrumentalism in Somali society: is an alternative needed?

ABSTRACT

Many of the explanations of Somali society, its state and the conflict in the country centre on the clan system and contain elements of primordialism or instrumentalism. Yet the assumptions underpinning these models have not been critically analysed. In these models, the Somali clan system is seen as either being primordial or flexible but ultimately manipulated by elites. This article, based on qualitative interviews and observations, analyses the utility of these two approaches and finds that the narratives founded thereon fail to comprehend fully the clan system in Somalia and, therefore, the society and conflict in the country. While rejecting these approaches as a theoretical framework, this paper offers an alternative understanding of Somali society and its clan system based on the notion of clan dynamism and its bidirectional manipulation, where it serves as a highly adaptive framework of governance, and a network of solidarity.     

印度尼西亚新任武装部队司令L.B.穆尔达尼

莱奥纳尔杜斯·本尼亚明·穆尔达尼(Leonardus Benyamin Moerdani)一九三二年十月二日生于中爪哇省的炽布,但长在梭罗市。人们一般都叫他本尼·穆尔达尼(Benny Moerdani)。他的父亲R·G·穆尔达尼·索斯罗迪尔佐是铁路局的职员,母亲罗克玛丽娅·杰阿娜是个荷印混血儿,妻子名叫T·哈尔蒂妮,独女丽娅是高中二年级