首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 203 毫秒
1.
执行力是问责制的生命,执行力的高低决定了问责制的作用效果。问责制的执行力与问责制本身的科学性、配套制度的契合度、问责制的执行环境三大因素紧密相关。香港在高官问责制执行力建设方面积累了丰富的经验,问责对象明确,问责主体多元,能及时完善配套制度,形成了浓厚的“问责文化”。这些对提高内地问责制执行力都有重要的启示:必须进行系统的制度创新,实现权责对等,增强人大、司法、媒体的外部问责,建立科学的绩效考评制度,推进政府信息公开,提高官员的法治意识和社会的法治水平。  相似文献   

2.
潘爱国 《学理论》2013,(21):1-5
我国行政问责制的发展与完善需要在制度建构、体制革新与机制健全三个层面上展开。制度建构层面需要从单一的政府问责扩展到党政一体化问责,从制度要素建设转向制度体系建设以及加强行政问责的组织机构建设;体制革新层面需要强化各级人大的问责主体地位,在问责客体上排除对普通公务员的问责,在问责内容上将政府"绩效"纳入问责范围以及建立规范有效的问责官员复出机制;机制健全层面则需要确立划分官员责任的合理准则,拓宽行政问责的信息来源渠道以及实现行政问责程序与司法追究程序的有效衔接。  相似文献   

3.
自2003年以来,以高官问责制为标志,中国开始全面建设责任政府。但在实施官员问责制度过程中仍存在一些不容忽视的问题,为此,须对问责制加以完善。  相似文献   

4.
论党内问责制与行政问责制的协调发展   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
当代中国政治体制中的党政关系决定了在推行行政问责制的同时必须发展党内问责制。党内问责制与行政问责制在问责对象、问责内容和问责功能上存在着差异。为了促进二者的协调发展,应当合理划分党政职责界限,整合各类问责制度,健全不同问责主体间的协调机制,避免以党内问责取代行政问责、法律问责。  相似文献   

5.
英国在责任政府建设方面开创世界先河,是提出并构建无缝隙问责的典范。英国传统问责制存在主体缝隙、目的缝隙与基础缝隙等问题,随后实行了问责制改革,实现问责主体从议会到社会、问责目的从惩罚到绩效、问责基础从缺失到健全的重大转变。英国无缝隙问责制设计对我国的政策启示主要是激活人大问责,力求渠道多元;注重结果导向,开展绩效问责;夯实法律基础,加强制度保障。  相似文献   

6.
问责制:必须走向制度化   总被引:16,自引:0,他引:16  
通过深入剖析当前问责制度建设中存在的主要问题,探讨要逐步推进问责制走向制度化,以建章立制打好制度基础为前提,以构建党内问责制为突破口,选择合适的推进战略,促进问责制健康发展。  相似文献   

7.
从2003年"非典"时启动问责制以来,不少官员先后"下课",我国对领导干部问责的力度越来越大,成效也越来越显著,问责制逐步进入了全面构建阶段.但是,由于我国领导干部问责制的建设仍处于探索发展中,问责还存在不少问题.党委、政府问责的水平还不高,问责难度较大,问责随意性较强;问责"治病救人"的功效不强,被问责者往往是前"问"后"继";不少"下课"官员悄然复出;公众在问责中的参与度不高;一些领导干部不能正确看待问责等等.因此,领导干部问责制亟需完善.当务之急是要从制度、法律、文化的三维层面来完善领导干部问责制,提高党委、政府的问责水平,使问责制度化、法制化、规范化,确保问责的公平公正;稳步提升公众的问责参与度,让公众充分监督公权力的行使,当好国家的主人翁;不断加强领导干部的权责意识,使领导干部树立"有权必有责"的理念,尽职尽责,当好公仆,减少被问责的风险.  相似文献   

8.
徐晓 《民主》2005,(5):18-18
2004年9月,在重庆市举行的第三次全国行政执法监督工作协作会上,重庆市实行的“高官问责制”成为会议的焦点,多数与会代表高度评价这一制度并向国务院法制办建议在全国推行。推行高官问责制度,是重庆市健全行政责任体系的重要措施。去年7月1日,重庆市出台实施了《重庆市部门行政首长问责暂行办法》。这是我国第一部关于  相似文献   

9.
《求知》2011,(5):47
吴传毅在《湘潭大学学报》2010年第6期撰文认为,行政问责制在我国实施以来取得了积极的成效,但问责制的各个阶段都存在问题。事前阶段的问题是问责触发的非常态化,问责主体不明确,问责客体范围不全面;事中阶段的问题是问责标准弹性过大,问责配套制度供给不足;事后阶段的问题是缺乏对问责的救济制度的规定,缺乏对问责官员去向的制度规定。为了使问责制更好地发挥其作用,就需要从立法上完善问责制体系,使其进一步法制化、规范化。第一,要明确问责主体及其权限。作为一种责任认定和责任追究的活动,行政问责必须由特定的主体  相似文献   

10.
论我国政府问责制之现实困境以及出路   总被引:15,自引:0,他引:15  
建构政府问责制的理论支撑,可以从政治学、法学、新制度经济学和信息经济学等不同层面的考量中得以充分说明。政府问责之目的是规约官员行为,改善公域与私域的关系。由于政府责任界分的模糊、问责主体权力的冲突、政府信息公开的有限、政府绩效评估机制的缺失、公民参与问责的匮乏以及公共行政文化变迁的滞后等因素的存在,政府问责制在实施中面临诸多困境。因此,必须及时进行制度创新,克服政府问责制面临的困境,发挥其预期的功效。  相似文献   

11.
At the stage of the development of a new social welfare system in Ukraine, it is important to investigate all possible models and develop recommendations for the implementation of the most effective ones. The relevance of this paper lies in the study of the legal framework that operates in Ukraine and the possibilities of its improvement and consolidation into a more specific regulation. The purpose of the research was to study the principles of the social welfare system in Ukraine and to study foreign practices of the social welfare system. Within the framework of this study, the existing systems and models of social welfare systems in different countries were analyzed. The study identifies the most positive examples of social welfare policy for implementation in the current legal framework to improve and enhance the quality of social services in Ukraine. The analyzed foreign practices helped to identify the most effective models of social security. It was concluded that with the successful redistribution of funds, the introduction of a system of audit and control of social assistance financing, as well as being guided by foreign experience, Ukraine will be able to build a social welfare system that would satisfy all of the existing social needs of citizens.  相似文献   

12.
In this article we shall argue the importance of approaching the relationship between party organizations and party members by analyzing the interaction between characteristics of the national party system, the party organization as a more or less open or closed system, and the resources of individuals particularly conducive to party membership. We shall mainly discuss the organizational level, taking as a starting point different models from organizational theory: the rational behaviour model, the survival model, the bureaucratic model, and the symbolic action model. We apply these models in our search for how political parties seek to mobilize members. Examples illustrating the relevance of the different models are a warning to those who wish to develop a general theory of party organization.  相似文献   

13.
This paper develops new fundamental models for forecasting presidential, senatorial, and gubernatorial elections at the state level using fundamental data. Despite the fact that our models can be used to make forecasts of elections earlier than existing models and they do not use data from polls on voting intentions, our models have lower out-of-sample forecasting errors than existing models. Our models also provide early and accurate probabilities of victory. We obtain this accuracy by constructing new methods of incorporating various economic and political indicators into forecasting models. We also obtain new results about the relative importance of approval ratings, economic indicators, and midterm effects in the different types of races, how economic data can be most meaningfully incorporated in forecasting models, the effects of different types of candidate experience on election outcomes, and that second quarter data is as predictive of election outcomes as third quarter data.  相似文献   

14.
Otto H. Swank 《Public Choice》1994,81(1-2):137-150
In this paper it is argued that political parties may have incentives to adopt a partisan view on the working of the economic system. Our approach is based on a dynamical spatial voting model in which political parties are policy oriented. This model revolves around two interrelated issues x and y. The policy maker sets x directly. There exist two views on the relationship between x and y. Model uncertainty confronts policy makers with the problem of the selection of a model to base their actions on. We show that if voters have imperfect information about the working of the economic system that model selection contains a strategic element. Policy makers are inclined to adopt a view on the working of the economic system which fits in with their preferences. There is no inherent logic that places monetarists to the right of New Economists. They have different models of economic mechanism, but they need not have different political values. A conservative can be a Keynesian and a liberal a monetarist. These combinations are in fact surprisingly rare. James Tobin, 1974,The New Economics One Decade Older, p. 62.  相似文献   

15.
World democracies widely differ in legislative, executive, and legal institutions. Different institutional environments induce different mappings from electoral outcomes to the distribution of power. We explore how these mappings affect voters' participation in an election. We show that the effect of such institutional differences on turnout depends on the distribution of voters' preferences. We uncover a novel contest effect: Given the preferences distribution, turnout increases and then decreases when we move from a more proportional to a less proportional power‐sharing system; turnout is maximized for an intermediate degree of power sharing. Moreover, we generalize the competition effect, common to models of endogenous turnout: Given the institutional environment, turnout increases in the ex ante preferences evenness, and more so when the overall system has lower power sharing. These results are robust to a wide range of modeling approaches, including ethical voter models, voter mobilization models, and rational voter models.  相似文献   

16.
This paper examines voter preferences when voters are allowed to rank order large numbers of candidates both within and between different parties (STV-PR). How voters complete such a ballot has consequences both for models of voting behaviour and also for patterns of party competition. More concretely, although such a system should promote a great deal of candidate centered voting behaviour, this does not, in fact, seem to occur for the case we examine. While Irish voters do seem to exhibit multiple party loyalties they are, nevertheless, party and not candidate specific loyalties. The consequences of this for both a Michigan account of party loyalty and also standard interpretations of Irish party competition are discussed.  相似文献   

17.
Dynamic latent trait models combine information from a variety of manifest variables, possibly measured on different scales, that are presumed to be indicators of an unobserved latent phenomenon, while allowing appropriate consideration of the longitudinal character of time series. I use a Bayesian dynamic latent trait model of banking sector financial accounts measured at the country/quarter level to build an indicator of banking system robustness in Latin America. As a methodological innovation, I extend dynamic latent trait models to take into account country-specific effects of bank regulatory regimes through hierarchical modeling of factor loadings. I suggest how these models can be applied to other types of phenomena—for example to combine existing political regime indicators to build a more informative measure of democracy.  相似文献   

18.
The diffusion models tend to be tested individually in isolation and remain the same over time for the studied innovations in the literature. Moreover, there is growing interest to learn from other countries in our current age of globalization. Therefore, this paper chooses the innovation of public resources trading platforms in China to fulfill above literature gaps. We have examined key events and the issuances of related laws and regulations by Chinese governments. Our contributions are twofold: (a) Our analysis and results show that the diffusion models evolve over the different stages of a life cycle of an innovation, contrasting to the literature results that diffusion models remain the same for their studied innovations. Due to major diverse characteristics among different adopter categories over a life cycle of an innovation, we argue that it is appropriate and necessary to apply different diffusion models on different adopter categories, which is missing in the current literature. (b) We find a first bottom-up and then top-down synthesis approach as an effective, efficient diffusion process for both fitting local needs (i.e., effective) and adopting innovations rapidly nationwide (i.e., efficient).  相似文献   

19.
20.
Andreoni  James  Bergstrom  Ted 《Public Choice》1996,88(3-4):295-308
Public Choice - We study three different models in which public goods are supplied by private contributions. In one of these models, tax-financed government subsidies to private contributions will...  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号