新时代的中美桥梁——记美国新任驻华大使洪博培

2009年5月16日,美国总统奥巴马提名时任犹他州州长的共和党人乔恩·亨茨曼（中文名为洪博培）出任美国新任驻华大使,以填补美国新政府这个空缺长达4个月之久的重要职位。洪博培于当日发表声明,接受了奥巴马总统的邀请。7月23日,洪博培出席了美国国会参议院外交关系委员会就对其提名举行的听证会。     

伊朗:美国的"烫手山芋"

近来,不断传闻美国将对伊朗采取军事行动.日前,美媒体又透露,布什政府将就是否把"反恐战争"扩大到伊朗的问题进行辩论.布什总统公开表示,如伊朗不停止核计划,将可能采取军事行动.伊朗国防部长沙姆哈尼对布什讲话做出反应说,伊朗有足够的军事力量进行反击.     

Only A Grand Compromise Between US And China Can Reduce East Asian Tensions

Despite grand visions of a cosmopolitan planet living in peace, the first globalization at the turn of the 20th century descended into World War I as the old empires scrambled to preserve themselves as others sought self‐determination. Powers on the losing end of that war reasserted themselves in yet another worldwide calamity within decades. After World War II, in the early 1950s, with the victorious American‐led alliance in the driver's seat, institutions such as the United Nations and the Bretton Woods arrangements created a global stability that enabled peace, prosperity and the “rise of the rest.” In 2014, the world order is shifting again with the rise of China reviving in Asia the very kind of nationalist rivalries that led Europe to war twice in the 20th century. Will we be able to build new institutions that accommodate the new powershift without resorting to war, or will the second globalization collapse as well? Top strategists from the US, Japan and China respond to this momentous question.     

中国没有迟到

北京时间2010年1月13日5时,中美洲国家海地发生里氏7．3级大地震。美好家园瞬间坍塌,一时间,残垣断壁、哀鸿遍野。灾情危急!太平洋彼岸的中国北京迅速行动。同日晚8点,肩负祖国和人民的重托,满怀国际人道主义精神的中国救援队乘坐专机毅然启程,经过20个小时颠簸劳顿抵达海地,并立即展开救援工作。法国媒体惊叹道,第一批抵达海地的救援人员,居然是中国人！比“近在咫尺”的美国人整整早了两个小时!     

冷战后美国对发展中国家人权外交的新特点

自卡特政府正式推行人权外交以来,广大发展中国家一直是美国人权外交的重点对象.冷战结束后,美国没有放弃称霸世界的全球战略,并继续推行人权外交.但在新的形势下,美国的对外战略有所调整,对发展中国家的人权外交也具有新的特点.     

中俄关系中的美国因素

中俄战略协作伙伴关系的建立和发展除了中俄两国的内在需要外,美国的国际战略及其对俄、对华政策产生了巨大影响.美国因素对中俄关系的性质、范围、层次、作用和未来走向有着十分重要的作用.就以往来看,美国因素的影响主要表现在四个方面.目前,美国的对俄、对华政策再次面临调整,受其影响,中俄关系的未来走势有四种可能.     

冷战及苏中关系的若干问题

造成冷战的客观原因,在很大程度上是列宁斯大林关于全世界向社会主义过渡的教条主义的意识形态目标.这种目标载入了俄共(布)、联共(布)及苏共的纲领性文献.在俄共8大通过并一直延续到1961年的俄共(布)党纲中提到,资本主义崩溃和向社会主义过渡是不可避免的,帝国主义之间的战争及变帝国主义战争为国内战争以及世界革命的胜利是不可避免的.俄共(布)党纲指出:在这种条件下,和平主义、国际裁军及仲裁法庭之类的口号不但是反动的乌托邦,而且也是对劳动群众的直接欺骗,其目的是使无产阶级放下武器,抛弃使剥削者缴械这一任务[1].     

US and Japan Should Engage Rising China and India

Globalization may yet repeal the Biblical adage that the poor will always be with us. But for now there are enough losers to go along with the winners that a slide back toward fragmentation and protectionism is a distinct possibility, as was also the case at the turn of the 20th century. Our contributors in this section offer their advice on how to make globalization work for everyone.     

US and China Must Share Power and China Must Make Japan Feel Safe

Despite grand visions of a cosmopolitan planet living in peace, the first globalization at the turn of the 20th century descended into World War I as the old empires scrambled to preserve themselves as others sought self‐determination. Powers on the losing end of that war reasserted themselves in yet another worldwide calamity within decades. After World War II, in the early 1950s, with the victorious American‐led alliance in the driver's seat, institutions such as the United Nations and the Bretton Woods arrangements created a global stability that enabled peace, prosperity and the “rise of the rest.” In 2014, the world order is shifting again with the rise of China reviving in Asia the very kind of nationalist rivalries that led Europe to war twice in the 20th century. Will we be able to build new institutions that accommodate the new powershift without resorting to war, or will the second globalization collapse as well? Top strategists from the US, Japan and China respond to this momentous question.     

外资--中国走向世界的一座桥梁

对中国社会发展来说,外资不仅具体经济上的意义,更具有政治上的意义.作为对外开放政策的一种具体化形式,外资流入的多少与中国的经济发展的快慢成正比,也与中国经济体制改革进程相吻合.外资是社会主义与资本主义两种制度以及实行这两种制度的国家之间复杂关系的具体体现,也是中国融入全球化程度的鲜明体现.外资大量流入所产生的冲击效应是中国社会发展的动因之一.     

美国利益集团政治与对华贸易政策

像其他外交政策一样,美国对华贸易政策建立在国家利益基础之上。那么,什么是美国的国家利益？美国资本主义多元民主政治,美国社会各阶层、各种政治、经济、文化利益集团的政治博弈又是如何在美国的对华贸易政策中表现出来的呢？