从哲学—社会学角度谈新世纪公民道德教育

当前,我国正处在从传统社会向现代社会转型、从计划经济向社会主义市场经济转轨的时期,我国公民道德教育所面临的国内外环境正在发生重大变化,多种所有制共同发展和多种分配方式并存,道德的多元性、多样性和差别性以及它们之间的相互激荡、碰撞、融合,在封闭的、同质的、高度统一的传统一元社会中公民     

社区公共服务中的多中心秩序

公民日益增长的公共品（包括公共服务）需求同公共品供给短缺、低效之间的矛盾已成为我国社会的主要矛盾。公共服务短缺和低效已成为社会转型期社会主要矛盾的主要方面，完善社区公共服务则是在社会范围内解决这一矛盾的有效载体和尝试。社区公共服务是指在消费上具有非排他性因而单纯的市场生产者无法收回成本而不得不委托代表公共利益的政府或其他组织提供的服务。但经验的单中心模式被证明存在缺乏效率和敏感性、不计成本、寻租行为等弊端，多中心秩序安排，尤其是引入契约、委托代理机制的多中心秩序安排在提高公共服务绩效、降低成本等方面因比较优势而成为当今社区公共服务提供和生产的首要选择。     

新时代社会治理共同体的秩序发展与活力培育

党的十九届四中全会开启了将制度优势转化为治理效能的"制治之旅",建设"人人有责、人人尽责、人人享有"的社会治理共同体是实现社会治理现代化的重要举措。新时代社会治理共同体的建设,在秩序发展方面,要聚焦制度优势,不断完善社会治理制度、提升制度执行力、创新人才制度和协调多元秩序,更好地发挥政府秩序、市场秩序、社会秩序和专业秩序的功能,增强社会治理共同体的治理效能;在活力培育方面,要促进"四化"协同,不断推进社会化治理、法治化治理、智能化治理和专业化治理的协同,激发社会治理共同体成员的活力。只有全面准确贯彻新发展理念,充分发挥处于"序""义""利"交汇点上"人"的主观能动性,才能推进社会治理共同体的高质量发展,提高制度、政策服务供给与人民美好生活需要的匹配度,增强人民的获得感、幸福感、安全感,最终实现人的共生共在。     

Local Heroes? Learning from Recent Community Strengthening Initiatives in Victoria1

Policies and programs which aim to strength the engagement, connectedness and resilience of local communities have increasingly become a core element in public policy responses to the challenges posed by globalising social and economic relations. However, for many politicians, policy makers and citizens the conceptual framework and practical benefits of ‘community strengthening’ remain vague and unclear. This article aims to contribute to debates about the significance of community strengthening by providing a concise overview of the development and implementation of community strengthening initiatives by the Bracks Labor government in Victoria. Initial learning from this experience suggests that engaging and linking local communities can make a useful contribution to local social, environmental and economic outcomes as well as providing a foundation for the democratic renewal of local governance. Key factors underpinning successful community strengthening programs include strong local ownership and leadership, backed by sustained government investment in the social and physical infrastructure priorities identified as important by local communities. However, while local community strengthening strategies can lead to real improvements in community networks, infrastructure and capacity they are no substitute for the inclusive and redistributive taxation, income security, service delivery and labour market policies needed to create the conditions for sustainable reductions in poverty, inequality and social exclusion.     

Subsidies for New Technologies and Knowledge Spillovers from Learning by Doing

This study empirically examines a prominent justification for public subsidies of emerging technologies: that stimulating demand for them provides opportunities for learning by doing. Even if firms learn from their experience, subsidies are still second best to pricing negative externalities if firms can appropriate the benefits of learning. I construct a panel of electricity output from wind power projects, for a case involving $1 billion in public funds, to assess whether firms’ performance benefited from the experience of other firms. I find evidence of learning by doing and knowledge spillovers. However, knowledge gained from experience shows both diminishing returns and depreciating effectiveness.     

Testing Islam's Political Advantage: Evidence from Indonesia

Across the Muslim world, Islamic political parties and social organizations have capitalized upon economic grievances to win votes and popular support. But existing research has been unable to disentangle the role of Islamic party ideology from programmatic economic appeals and social services in explaining these parties' popular support. We argue that Islamic party platforms function as informational shortcuts to Muslim voters, and only confer a political advantage when voters are uncertain about parties' economic policies. Using a series of experiments embedded in an original nationwide survey in Indonesia, we find that Islamic parties are systematically more popular than otherwise identical non‐Islamic parties only under cases of economic policy uncertainty. When respondents know economic policy platforms, Islamic parties never have an advantage over non‐Islamic parties. Our findings demonstrate that Islam's political advantage is real, but critically circumscribed by parties' economic platforms and voters' knowledge of them.     

New Community Associations for Established Neighborhoods

From 1980 to 2000, 50 percent the new housing in the United States was located in a development project where it was subject to the governance of a private community association. The creation of a community association requires unanimous consent, which is achieved in practice by requiring home owner agreement as a condition of initial purchase in new developments. In an established neighborhood of existing homes and other properties, however, it is for practical purposes impossible at present to create a private community association. This paper proposes that state governments enact legislation to allow for retroactive creation of private community associations in established neighborhoods with a vote of less than unanimous consent. In this way, the same advantages of private neighborhood government that have proven so attractive to such large numbers of suburban homeowners in recent years could be extended as well into inner city areas.     

Models of Capitalism in the New World Order: the UK Case

In the debate over economic performance which has preoccupied UK policy makers for the last four decades, foreign 'models' of more successful capitalisms elsewhere have been an important point of reference. Those models have been variously market-led (USA), state-led (Japan) or negotiated/consensual (Germany/Sweden). Of late the UK's own internal economic and social settlement has itself been offered as a viable model for once successful foreign economies now in competitive difficulties. The key features of these various models are analysed, and the UK's changing post-war position on the map of models is traced. The changing fortunes of these models are then related to developments in the global economy; and an assessment made of the adequacy (and desirability) of the kind of economic order now being canvassed in the UK by the present Labour Government.     

Radio days: Media-politics in Indonesia

In the recent excitement about the democratizing potential of the 'new' electronic media, theorists have largely ignored the role of the oldest of the electronic 'mass' media, that is, radio. This paper suggests several parallels between the oldest and the newest electronic media in the transmission of anti-authoritarian politics in Indonesia. While the Internet aided sections of the civil society in subverting the state's control over public discourse, in the post-authoritarian politics, radio may remain by far the more significant technology of democratization. Radio's importance is only in part explained by the economic limits on the distribution of the Internet in Indonesia. We need to look at the particular tessellation of culture, politics and technology in Indonesia to understand the role of radio in the articulation of local politics, in a democratization process whose success depends on the politics of ethno-cultural decentralization and devolution of power from urban elites.     

大学生廉洁教育实效性问题及解决途径——基于行为主义理论视域

从行为主义理论视域看,高校廉洁教育教学行为、高校内部治理行为、高校教职工的言行、在校大学生的言行等构成了大学生廉洁教育实效性生成的基本内因,它从根本上规定着大学生廉洁教育实效性的性质和变化。而来自高校之外的社会环境则构成了大学生廉洁教育实效性生成的外因。为了在现有基础上提高大学生廉洁教育实效性,应采取以下对策:开设廉洁教育内容专题,组织专项实践教学活动;营造校园廉洁之风,设立高校师生廉洁奖励基金;规范教职工和大学生言行,建立腐败言行监督专项制度和言行监测预警制度;增强社会情境廉洁刺激,严厉打击各种歪风邪气。     

在英语专业教学中构建发现式教育模式

人的认识过程是对进入感官的事物主动地进行选择、转换、储存和应用,得以向环境学习,并适应环境,以致改造环境.发现式教育模式要求学生利用教师和教材提供的某些材料,去发现应得的结论或规律.这一教育模式的目标在于发展学生的探究思维能力,让学生从已知事实或现象中推导出未知因素,形成概念,从中发现事物的发展变化的规律性,并培养学生的科学态度和独创精神,掌握科学研究的方法.     

高等教育的新理念:全人教育

本文针对我国高等教育存在的严重的科学主义倾向,以至形成所谓的“半个人”或者“单面人”教育的现象,提出应树立全人教育的理念,认为应通过传授“整全的知识”以形成“健全的人格”,不仅使学生懂得“何以为生”,更重要的是使学生知道“为何而生”,成为德业双收、人格完善的人才。     

Defensive Enforcement: Human Rights in Indonesia

The objective of the article is to examine the human rights enforcement in Indonesian legal and political system. This is done by studying the legal basis of human rights, the process of proliferation of human rights discourse, and the actual controversies of human rights enforcement. The study has the effect of highlighting some of the immense deficits in ensuring that violations are treated under judicial procedure and the protection of human rights is available and accessible for victims. The author inevitably came into a conclusion that the openness of legal and political arenas for human rights discourses is not followed with a tangible impact on the entitlement positions of the people. The problems of the weak institutions and the unenthusiastic enforcement show that, in Indonesia, human rights are formally adopted as a political strategy to avoid substantial implementation.