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1.
●1月1日 ,越共中央总书记农德孟在新年贺辞中说 :“新的一年里 ,越南必须继续高举反官僚、反腐败的大旗 ,有效地与浪费行为作斗争 ,特别要集中力量在浪费情况最为严重的基建和土地管理领域开展斗争。”●1月1日 ,新加坡总理吴作栋在新年贺辞中说 :“2003年是不平静的一年。幸好 ,现在新加坡的外部经济环境已经开始改善 ,在其带动下 ,新加坡经济已在好转。”他还很乐观地表示 ,随着外部经济环境的不断改善 ,2004年新加坡的经济增长率将为3%~5%。●1月5日 ,菲律宾总统阿罗约及其竞选伙伴、参议员德卡斯特罗前往菲选举委员会 ,正式提交参加20…  相似文献   

2.
关于国际经贸领域的反腐败斗争梅新育国际经贸领域的腐败及其恶果为获得政府采购和工程项目合同或进出口贸易所需许可证,一国公民或企业贿赂外国公职人员的跨国贿赂行为早已有之,于今尤烈。法制不完善的第三世界国家和号称法制完备的工业化国家均难免腐败之风侵袭,仅德...  相似文献   

3.
2008年12月30日,《俄罗斯联邦反贪污贿赂法》公布实施。该法的公布实施,使俄罗斯联邦实现了从“权力反腐”向“制度反腐”、从“分散反腐”向“系统反腐”的转变。该法的立法进程具有四个明显的特点,即坚持从本国现实国情出发、在总统的直接推动下进行、循序渐进地推进反贪污贿赂法治以及力求制定统一的反贪污贿赂法。了解俄罗斯联邦反...  相似文献   

4.
新加坡生态问责制兴起于20世纪60年代,从一开始就十分强调通过立法手段和公众参与来保护生态环境。目前生态问责制已经成为新加坡城市生态环境治理的重要制度保障。新加坡生态问责体系主要有议会问责、法制问责、行政机关内部问责、反对党问责、公众问责、非政府环保组织问责等具体内容构成,在实践中表现出法制化程度高、执法严、操作性强、重视公民参与及教育等具体特点。新加坡生态问责制的成功经验对完善中国生态问责制具有参考和借鉴意义。  相似文献   

5.
新加坡汇率安排的动态稳定机制及其绩效   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
刘兴华 《东南亚》2006,(4):6-11
20世纪80年代以来,新加坡实行以保持新元动态稳定为目的的管理浮动汇率制。在这种灵活的汇率安排下,新加坡成功地度过了金融危机,经济保持了稳定和发展。更耐人寻味的是,后危机时期其他东盟国家普遍增强了本国货币弹性,新加坡却依然未对其汇率制度做出任何改变。一、新加坡汇率安排的动态稳定机制新加坡是自然资源较为匮乏、经济总量并不太大的国家。2004年,新加坡的国内生产总值(GDP)为106.8亿美元,经济规模在东盟中位居第四,独特的区位优势使其便于开展对外交流,制定“出口导向型”的经济发展战略。后危机时期,新加坡对外贸易的发展非常…  相似文献   

6.
本文系统考察了世界银行反腐败标准的形成过程及其对金砖银行反腐败制度建设的启示,认为世界银行的反腐败政策经历了一个重要变迁,而后者的动力正是来自于世界银行主要捐款国对本国反腐败议题的重视。自世行成立以来,治理和反腐败问题一直是其不愿触及的"政治禁区",但在20世纪90年代中期后,尤其是在沃尔芬森和沃尔福威茨两任行长的推动下,世界银行日益关注借款国的国内治理和反腐败状况,并将之作为其提供贷款的重要条件,事实上,这与美欧日等主要股东国在世纪之交高度重视国内的反腐败议题以及世界银行自身以股东国导向为准的制度特征密切相关。作为发展中国家自主创立的新开发银行,金砖银行更多地强调借款国主导和采用国别体系,充分体现借款国自身的发展理念和战略,因而应该采用一套更为灵活多样、更符合借款国实际的治理与反腐败标准。  相似文献   

7.
李晖 《东南亚纵横》2002,(10):39-43
历经半个多世纪的对垒 ,世界对经济制度的选择尘埃落定 ,市场经济体制成为历史潮流。计划经济、国营企业的低效率最终导致了一些国家的解体。然而 ,新加坡却能够保持其不小的国有经济成份运行岿然不动 ,国有经济在其发展过程中始终起着举足轻重的作用。同时 ,新加坡政府以其廉洁、高效率和维持经济的良好表现而著名。那么 ,新加坡在管理国有经济方面有何妙方 ?我们不妨对其国有经济的起源、发展和其相关的经济政策与管理作一分析 ,以便能从中找出答案。一、新加坡经济体制概况新加坡的经济很大程度上受地理位置和历史因素的影响。从地理角度…  相似文献   

8.
新加坡的石油炼油能力仅次于鹿特丹、休斯敦而居世界第三位。石油炼油工业在新加坡经济中占有很重要的地位, 它在新加坡1977年的出口总额和进口总额中分别占23.8%和25.5%,在新加坡的对日本出口贸易总额中约占65%。新加坡炼油工业的特点是:国内市场消费量(包括轮船和飞机的燃料用油)只占其炼油能力的15%,大部分的石油制品均用于出口。目前新加坡的炼油能力为每天一百万  相似文献   

9.
隆德新 《东南亚》2010,(2):36-38
新加坡在东盟发展过程中的身份定位,经历了一个与东盟关系的长期互动过程。在东盟成立之初,由于新加坡担心东盟成为印尼在地区谋求霸权的工具,担心过多地参与地区政治事务会威胁到其自身的独立与生存,因此,新加坡更多地是充当着谨慎参与者的角色。随着东盟内部关系的稳定,政治、经济合作慢慢走上正轨,新加坡开始重新审视东盟并修正其地区身份定位。新加坡在与东盟的长期互动过程中慢慢形成了其在东盟中的身份定位:即东盟发展过程中的低调领导者。  相似文献   

10.
吴开军 《东南亚》2003,(1):59-62
新加坡自 1 965年独立以来 ,经济迅速发展 ,在 2 0世纪 70年代末即已进入新兴工业化国家行列。新加坡这些成就的取得同占新加坡人口 70 %以上的华人的卓著贡献是分不开的 ,而新加坡的华人社会在随着政府对国民实行新加坡化的过程中逐渐在政治、经济、文化、教育和生活方式等方面有了深刻的变化。一、华人社会变化的背景第二次世界大战对新加坡华人社会的形成有很大的影响和促进作用。由于第二次世界大战中日本对新加坡的侵略与占领 ,当时旅居在新加坡的华侨积极参与到保卫新加坡的战斗中去 ,为保卫新加坡而洒热血、抛头颅的华侨为数不少 ,旅…  相似文献   

11.
"腐败"是困扰俄罗斯经济、社会发展的一个难题,俄罗斯政府几代领导人为了解决这一问题做出了积极的努力,特别是梅德韦杰夫担任总统后,与普京总理共同制定了"反腐败国家战略",出台了《反腐败法》等一系列反腐败法律法规,建立了专门的反腐败工作机构和官员财产申报及公开制度等一系列反腐败措施,这些措施对于我们国家开展惩治和预防腐败工作具有积极的启示作用。  相似文献   

12.
俄罗斯新一届政府反腐败措施及其预期成效   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
自转轨以来,腐败一直困扰着俄罗斯,梅德韦杰夫政府2008年5月上任后,大力推行反腐败措施,相继出台了<俄罗斯联邦反腐败计划>和<国家反腐败法>,新政府出台的法律法规构建了反腐败的法律基础和预防机制,赢得了俄罗斯舆论界的广泛称赞.但是对于此轮"反腐风暴"能否取得预期前景,饿罗斯各界普遍持谨慎的乐观态度.  相似文献   

13.
This article offers a novel contribution to the terrorism literature by using mathematical modeling and case studies to demonstrate how terrorist and extremist groups can utilize social service provision activities and anti-corruption campaigns instead of violent activities to gain support.The basic argument of the model is that terrorist groups will try to gain support by promising that they will be better distributors of resources than the current regime once they gain power and by promising that they will be less corrupt. However, because all organizations can freely make these promises, their words are cheap talk, and the general population should ignore them. To overcome this problem, organizations must offer a costly signal. Provision of social goods and implementation of explicit anti-corruption campaigns before taking power serves as such a signal. As the United States government and its allies widen their “war on terrorism,” they must consider the ramifications of social service provision and anti-corruption activities, which are common, effective, and potentially useful for increasing the probability of group success.  相似文献   

14.
《Democratization》2013,20(2):101-120
There is an international consensus that corruption undermines the democratic process and the legitimacy of government. Anti-corruption strategies are increasingly becoming an integral part of democratization programmes in non-western states. Where there are doubts over the effectiveness of these programmes they have tended to be expressed in relation to the level of social and economic development necessary to ensure a separation between private and public spheres. The experience of extensive international anti-corruption policies in Bosnia provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between anti-corruption initiatives and democratization in the European context. Taking a broad systemic approach to tackling political corruption, it was assumed that international policy in this area could strengthen the authority of democratic political institutions, encourage public participation and rebuild relations of trust within and between communities. This study of the impact of systemic anti-corruption strategies focuses on the effectiveness of these initiatives in meeting democratization goals. The results have been disappointing. The reasons for this may lie in the initial assumptions, not because they assume a higher level of social and economic development than Bosnian society has attained but because they have a narrow reductive view of the political process.  相似文献   

15.
The study addresses the politics and effects of judicial review in Chile. It concludes that by and large the Chilean courts have refused to exercise their constitutional review powers in defence of individual rights. Although this suggests that Chile represents a ‘negative model’ of judicial review in transitional democracies, the author argues that such an understanding would be simplistic. The Chilean courts' reluctance to exercise their review powers represents the continuation of a long-held strategic stance of avoiding politically controversial cases. This in turn has contributed to the preservation of the autonomy and political independence that has historically allowed the Chilean judiciary to play a crucial role in the promotion and maintenance of the legality that characterises this country. Merging the insights of two academic fields that rarely communicate – democratization studies and public law and courts – the author proposes that prematurely introducing judicial review of the constitution in non-consolidated democracies could actually make things worse. This, because it introduces irresistible incentives for government intervention in the work of the courts, thus destroying a sine qua non of the rule of law: judicial independence.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT

The author of this article is one of the attorneys appointed to represent Zacarias Moussaoui in the United States. Mr. Moussaoui is the only person facing criminal charges for alleged involvement in the September 11 plot. The author describes the system of government in the United States with a specific emphasis on several terrorism cases pending in the United States. He seeks to assure the readers that the rule of law is paramount in the United States. Recent decisions of the Supreme Court—in the Hamdi and Guantanamo cases—that confirm the constitutional rights of even the most dedicated enemies of the United States, which decisions post-date this submission, only affirm the writer's theme.  相似文献   

17.
The hegemonic power of FIFA over countries hosting its capstone World Cup tournament is worth examining in the context of hegemony theory in International Relations literature. To understand FIFA’s hegemonic role on the global stage, it is best to place it within the context of two major shifts in the international system—power transition and diffusion. This study provides an insight into the dispute between transnational and national law in sports, which FIFA has used to strengthen its hegemony. This has empirical support as seen in four World Cup cases: previous Cups in Brazil (2014) and South Africa (2010) and the forthcoming tournaments in Russia (2018) and Qatar (2022). These cases reveal FIFA’s hegemonic power both through the overruling of national law in favour of transnational law, and by the questionable bidding processes to host the games in Qatar and the Russian Federation. In addition, this study examines whether Switzerland is capable of regulating or restricting FIFA’s hegemonic power. While removing FIFA’s legal status as a non-profit organisation seems not to be an option, the executed amendment of the Swiss anti-corruption law is a step forward. Furthermore, FIFA needs to continue its recently initiated internal reforms.  相似文献   

18.
新加坡反腐倡廉的经验及启示   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
新加坡虽为一小国,但通过自己的实践摸索出一套适合自己并行之有效的反腐倡廉机制,那就是:制度生廉、监督督廉、教育倡廉、高薪养廉。通过学习和借鉴新加坡的反腐倡廉经验,对建立中国特色的反腐倡廉体系具有重要的理论与现实意义。  相似文献   

19.
从尚未结束的“阿拉伯之春”到印度哈扎雷的绝食抗议,都直接或间接与腐败问题密切相关。俄罗斯的腐败问题已演变成一种普遍的社会现象。中俄都是转型国家,都面临着反腐败的严峻形势,深入剖析俄罗斯的腐败现象、腐败危害和反腐败手段等,将会使我们从中获得深刻的启示。  相似文献   

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