邻避型环境群体性事件的政府治理

人们对影响生活质量的邻避设施抗拒乃至激烈反对,很容易出现邻避型环境群体事件。社会剧烈转型、冲突条件充分、政府公信不足是产生邻避型群体性事件的时代背景,地方政府作为治理主体并非在所有邻避设施上能与公众采取互动与合作,其治理机制还不能完全适应邻避冲突,政府妥协说明其治理成效并不理想。政府理论创新与民主治理能力不足,都不利于避免群体性事件发生。这就需要在决策和执行时规范政府治理主体,完善政府治理机制,提高治理效果,并要做到理论创新和民主治理能力提升。邻避思维不可免,邻避冲突可避免。     

“不要建在我的辖区”：科层组织中的官员邻避冲突——一个比较性概念分析

基于经验事实和理论研究,建构出"不要建在我的辖区"的新概念。与已有"不要建在我家后院"的概念进行比较分析发现,官员邻避冲突的主要指向在于责任规避,民众邻避冲突的核心焦点则是利益博弈。在冲突主体上,官员邻避冲突集中在科层组织内部,而非官民二元之间;在冲突时间上,官员邻避冲突发生在决策之前,而非公示之后;在冲突形式上,官员邻避冲突相对温和拖延,而非激进短暂;在冲突治理上,官员邻避冲突依赖于权力运作,而非利益协商。"不要建在我的辖区"是邻避概念在科层组织的新应用和新发展,既拓展了邻避研究的知识边界,也为理解复杂府际关系的动态演变提供了理论基础。     

空间正义与邻避冲突的化解——基于空间生产理论的视角

邻避问题的价值判断是邻避研究的重要途径,空间生产理论强调空间的社会属性,认为邻避设施建设就是一种具体的空间生产,邻避设施生产中的空间冲突反映了权力控制和城市权利之间的紧张。作为空间价值取向的空间正义,关注空间生产和空间资源配置过程和结果中的正义。我国邻避设施在空间生产认知、决策过程和结果补偿中存在价值偏离,应该在空间正义的原则下重新定义邻避行动以实现城市权力,促进利益相关者有效参与空间生产决策,科学规划凸显空间性的多元补偿方案,以此寻求邻避冲突的化解之道。     

邻避概念的多重污名化与工程人文风险框架的构建

"邻避"一词是舶来品,但在中国却得到了广泛的应用."邻避"概念集合包括"邻避效应""邻避情结""邻避设施""邻避冲突"等."邻避设施"的经建,使居民产生"邻避情结",进而导致"邻避冲突",此观点可以概括为"邻避效应".通过对"邻避"概念的系统反思,可以发现其遭遇了来自民众、政府、专家等利益相关群体所构建的"多重污名化"的情况,同时"邻避"概念的使用还存在权力思维、价值思维、技术思维、拿来思维误区,对于中国经验的解释也十分有限."工程人文风险"概念框架的构建,提供了一个包括敏感人、敏感性工程、主观风险等概念构成学术概念集合和逻辑关系,这有助于探索出一个新的解释框架,减少由于"邻避"概念所造成的问题,也有助于形成更符合中国经验的新的话语体系.     

邻避冲突何以协商治理:以杭州九峰垃圾焚烧发电项目为例

既有理论研究显示:为了有效应对邻避冲突并走出邻避困境,协商治理已成为必然趋向。从杭州九峰案例来看,前期缺乏协商治理导致邻避冲突发生,而后期通过有效协商治理的展开,最终实现了项目原址重建。杭州九峰垃圾焚烧发电项目的"浴火重生"表明:有效的风险沟通、合理的利益补偿与成功的协作治理是实现邻避项目协商治理的基本要素,这无疑为地方政府走出邻避冲突治理困境提供了有益的启示。     

邻避焦虑心理驱动下的城市邻避冲突及治理

邻避焦虑是民众围绕邻避设施的选址、建设和运营而产生的社会焦虑。城市邻避设施具有民生性和公益性,但也客观地存有环境风险。随着城市民众环境知识的丰富和环境意识的提升,邻避设施所带有的风险容易被认知、放大,引发他们的邻避焦虑心理。围绕邻避设施,这种心理从最初的不满开始,逐步演化为恐惧,最终催生邻避冲突。邻避冲突给社会秩序和地方政府带来巨大压力,需要认真治理。这种治理要求着眼于城市民众邻避焦虑心理的消除,既要通过充分的民主决策过程取得民众对邻避设施选址、建设的认同,又要通过充分的沟通协调处置设施建设和运营过程中的系列问题,更要注意对相关民众进行必要的、适度的利益补偿。     

“空间生产”视角下邻避现象的包容性治理

地方管理者在应对邻避冲突时通常会陷入一种"对抗式"的认识误区。基于空间生产的视角,这种认识源自邻避设施空间生产中"空间实践""空间表征""表征空间"等三个要素的内在张力和冲突。当前,这种对抗式逻辑面临新型城镇化进程所带来的巨大现实挑战。化解邻避冲突,需要转向一种"差异化"的邻避设施空间生产逻辑,体现为决策者和公众在邻避设施三个生产要素上的差异化建构,进而实现邻避设施空间生产的包容性治理,以空间正义为价值导向,保障邻避设施空间生产过程的多元参与,完善邻避设施的多元化空间补偿方案。     

邻避效应视角下城市环境治理的政策分析——以大连市石化类公司的设立与运行为例

邻避效应,指当地居民或者单位因担心建设一些项目对自身健康、当地环境质量和资产价值等带来诸多负面影响,从而激发人们的嫌恶情结,滋生"不要建在我家后院"的心理,以及采取的强烈和坚决的、有时高度情绪化的集体反对甚至抗争行为,即发生邻避冲突。近年来,随着中国经济的快速发展,各地区承受的生态破坏和环境污染日趋严重,邻避冲突已经成为较为普遍的现象。大连市石化类公司在其设立与运行的过程中,也发生了较为激烈的邻避冲突。本文以此为例,试图探究分析如何减少邻避设施带来的负外部性,找到缓解矛盾冲突的途径,求得社会发展中各主体的最大利益公约数,促进社会的公平有序与和谐稳定。     

公众风险感知、政府信任与环境类邻避设施冲突参与意向

邻避冲突不仅与公众风险感知相关,还是多种心理因素在特定情境下综合作用的结果。基于湖北省多个环境类邻避设施周围公众的实地调研,探索公众风险感知、政府信任对邻避冲突参与意向的影响,并验证公众政府信任对其风险感知与环境类邻避设施冲突参与意向关系的调节效应。研究结果表明,公众对环境类邻避设施的健康和环境风险感知、政府行为信任是影响其冲突参与意向的最主要因素,政府信任对公众风险感知与邻避设施冲突参与意向关系存在显著的调节效应。为了达到"邻避冲突可免"的治理效果,必须加强邻避设施风险评估和运行监管,降低设施本身的负外部性,弱化公众的风险感知;地方政府应在"公众中心"的行政理念指导下,加大邻避设施相关决策信息的公开度,创新风险沟通方式,提高公众的政府信任度。     

邻避冲突治理——基于公共价值分析的视角

揭示邻避冲突矛盾激化的内在原因是防治邻避冲突的关键。价值观是行为的先导,运用公共价值分析对邻避案例进行实证考察,可以发现冲突行为背后各方所秉持的公共价值观演化轨迹及其治理逻辑。邻避冲突产生的原因除了利益相关者的利益冲突之外,更有深层次的价值因素混杂其中,利益相关者的公共价值共识在邻避设施规划过程中出现了偏差,进而引发、激化矛盾。因此,治理邻避冲突问题不能抛开共识价值而单单讨论利益冲突,应当从组织、个人和治理模式各层面出发,重新考虑公共价值共识达成问题以化解矛盾。组织方面要回归政策的共识公共价值取向,个人方面要加强公民道德修养,共同构建基于公共价值实现的网络化治理模式,使邻避冲突治理的每一举措都展现"共识公共价值"的理性。     

Beyond NIMBY and poverty deconcentration: reframing the outcomes of affordable rental housing development

Policies and research around affordable rental housing remain stuck between the “rock” of not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) fears and the “hard place” of deconcentrating poverty goals, leading to fragmented outcome measurement in contemporary project-based affordable rental housing programs. This article compares the motivations and results of existing research focused on NIMBY concerns around place to that of programs that promote the deconcentration of poor people. We suggest reframing the argument for project-based affordable rental housing by bolstering outcome measurement on neighborhoods and developments and expanding it to include tenants. Building upon current evaluation practices of mobility studies and the Low Income Housing Tax Credit program, we present a comprehensive framework for evaluating outcomes of project-based rental housing developments within their local context at three relevant scales: project, household, and community. We present an array of indicators and examine data collection needs and limitations, acknowledging the political and financial obstacles to comprehensive evaluation but arguing for the need to justify expenditures and prove results to the public. We recommend that government agencies stretch beyond NIMBY arguments and deconcentration of poverty goals to be proactive in targeting, measuring, publicizing, and redressing an expanded set of outcomes through better comprehensive planning for affordable housing. Through more rigorous and comprehensive evaluation of outcomes at all scales, it may be shown that affordable housing development yields a broad range of benefits for the people housed, projects financed, and the communities where it is built.     

群体性事件的原因与防范:协商民主的分析视角

社会转型时期以利益矛盾为主的群体性事件呈现上升趋势。群体性事件频发暴露出公民利益表达渠道的不畅通和公共政策的局部失衡,也反映出政府在利益协调、协商治理方面能力的不足。产生群体性事件的深层次原因是公民权利保障机制不完善,公共参与缺失造成的制度供给不足、应得权利失衡和权力缺少有效监督。从协商民主的视角看,扩大公共参与和实现协商治理是解决社会冲突的适宜选择。     

Valuing Public Participation in Policy Making

Books reviewed:
Richard Stuart Olson, Robert A. Olson, and Vincent T. Gawronski, Some Buildings Just Can't Dance: Politics, Life Safety, and Disaster
Louise K. Comfort, Shared Risk: Complex Systems in Seismic Response
Gregory E. McAvoy, Controlling Technocracy: Citizen Rationality and the NIMBY Syndrome     

群体性事件中的身份利益群体研究

改革开放进入新时期以来,中国群体性事件的主体正在由事项利益群体转向身份利益群体。身份意识在结构上可细分为身份认同意识、身份利益意识、身份排斥意识和身份抗争意识,它们会对身份利益群体在群体性事件中的行为方式产生重要影响,并对冲突管理提出新的挑战。管理身份利益型冲突的目标、原则、策略和方式有别于事项利益型冲突,其管理目标应当定位于利益相关的各种身份群体间关系,促进各身份群体间的利益平衡;政府的角色应当居于中立地位,不偏不倚;管理机制和策略是设计公平和公开的身份群体间协商程序,并使协商过程和解决方案保持一定的透明度,以便形成能够在各身份群体间达致广泛共识的冲突解决方案。     

Chaotic shop-talk or efficient parliament? The Reichstag, the parties, and the problem of governmental instability in the Weimar Republic

The German parliament in the Weimar Republic was very instable and governments did not last long. Historical research has tried to determine what caused this instability. Those historical hypotheses are re-examined by studying a completely new dataset covering 489 roll-call-bills in the parliament during the 14 years in question. According to the findings of this study it is very unlikely that it was only the system, its conditions and its actors that caused instability and that the reasons rather have to be found outside parliament.     

探究上市公司反收购“毒丸”计划在我国的适用

随着中国上市公司收购潮的兴起,起源于美国的"毒丸计划"是否应该作为反收购措施被我国立法所规制,是与我国证券市场的发展程度、上市公司收购及反收购的立法模式紧密相连的。通过对"毒丸计划"在我国上市公司反收购策略中的适用及法律规制进行探讨,以期对上市公司反收购策略法律规制进行完善。同时,随着"毒丸"计划在实践中的广泛采用,在我国的反收购立法中将其采纳为一项反收购措施加以法律规制,将有利于提高我国上市公司在国际、国内市场上的竞争力,同时也有利于我国证券市场的健康、有序发展。     

Book Reviews

Barry G. Rabe Beyond NIMBY: Haxardous Waste Siting in Canada and the United States
John D. Graham and Jonathan Baert Wiener, eds. Risk vs. Risk: Tradeoffs in Protecting Health and the Environment
Dennis Kavanaugh Election Campaigning: The New Marketing of Politics
Kevin Mulcahy and Margaret Jane Wyszomirski, eds. America's Commitment to Culture: Government and the Arts
Peter Dombrowski Policy Responses to the Globalization of American Banking
Marino Regini Uncertain Boundaries: The Social and Political Construction of European Economics
Lamont C. Hempel Environmental Governance: The Global Challenge     

历史政治学的功能分析

历史政治学的提出引发了中国政治学界的广泛关注。作为一种新型研究路径的历史政治学不但具有客观的分析主义特征,而且和其它政治理论的研究路径一样,还具有鲜明的功能主义特征。历史政治学首先回答了政治理论的知识来源问题,从而为建构中国自主性政治学知识体系提供了可能。基于政治学取向的政治史研究有助于避免因“文化转向”而导致的历史研究的碎片化问题,这意味着历史政治学研究既追求“真相”也关怀“真理”。历史政治学的知识功能自然有其政治实践价值,那就是为治国理政提供历史解释与现实论述,并为认识合法性政治提供一套不同于理性人假设的历时性方案。     

The Role of Party Activists in the Evolution of the Abortion Issue

This article examines the role of party activists in the partisan evolution of the abortion issue. Previous research indicates that party elites—specifically members of Congress—and partisans in the mass public have become more differentiated in their abortion attitudes during the last several decades with Democrats becoming more pro-choice and Republicans becoming increasingly pro-life. The missing piece of the picture is the behavior of party activists. Accordingly, this research examines the changes in the abortion attitudes of two groups of party activists during the last three decades: campaign activists and national convention delegates. From 1972 to 1980 there were no significant differences in the abortion attitudes of Republican and Democratic campaign activists, and the mean positions of the two parties' national convention delegates did not differ greatly. However, since 1984 there has been a growing differentiation in the abortion positions of both groups of party activists. Now Democratic activists are consistently pro-choice while Republican activists are equally pro-life. This evidence indicates that the differentiation on the abortion issue that has only recently emerged among partisans in the mass public was predated by an earlier and much more dramatic polarization that had already developed among party activists and elites, thus supporting a model of issue evolution introduced by Carmines and Stimson in their study of racial issues. We also find that citizens' abortion attitudes have become increasingly correlated with party voting not just in presidential elections but also in House, Senate, and gubernatorial contests during this period as well as being more closely related to political ideology. All of this evidence points to the growing extent to which abortion has become a partisan issue in American politics and the key role that party activists have played in this process.