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1.
提升政府公信力建设公信政府   总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11  
政府公信力体现了政府的信用能力,反映了公民对政府的信任程度。公信政府是拥有较强公信力,为公众所普遍 信任的政府。本文分析了我国现阶段政府公信力的现状,探讨了提升政府公信力,建设公信政府的必要性,并为建设公信政 府提出了若干建议。  相似文献   

2.
政府能力政府诚信与政府公信力之间存在相互促进、相互影响的关系。政府诚信是政府公信力的基础和源泉。诚信的政府将获得更大的公众信任,而政府公信力的提高则有助于进一步加强政府的执政能力。对正处于社会转型期的中国地方政府来说,提高政府公信力,加强地方政府能力建设,树立廉洁、有效、公正的政府形象,是落实科学发展观、构建和谐社会的重要途径。  相似文献   

3.
政府公信力的水平随着政府改革的推进而不断完善,政府改革的时代主题与目标模式决定了政府公信力的理念和实现方式。我国服务型政府改革目标的确立,为构建和实现我国政府公信力提供了新的价值导向和制度基础。服务型政府目标模式下的政府公信力应该通过政治的民主化获得公信力,通过行政的法制化维护公信力,通过信息的公开化加强公信力,以公务员的廉洁度巩固公信力,以公众的满意程度评价公信力等一系列崭新的方式得以实现。  相似文献   

4.
闵锐 《学理论》2009,(7):36-37
政府公信力就是政府获取公众信任的程度,是政府依据自身的信用所获得的社会公众的信任度。本文在介绍了当前我国政府公信力流失的现状的基础上,分析了造成这种现状的原因,进而从理念、制度和法制三个角度探讨了建构政府公信力的方法和措施。  相似文献   

5.
和谐社会视角下政府公信力建设初探   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
党的十七大报告在论及发展社会主义民主政治时指出要“完善各类公开办事制度,提高政府工作透明度和公信力”。这是党对当前政府公信力建设紧迫形势的准确把握与高度重视。在当前我国大力推进社会主义和谐社会建设新形势下,提升政府公信力、加强政府公信力建设是摆在我们面前的一个重要课题。  相似文献   

6.
随着互联网快速发展促生了新的政治生态,出现了一些值得深思和关注的新问题:政府公信力作为政府与社会公众之间一种特殊的信任关系,日益成为影响治理的重要因素。网络新媒体环境下,政府公信力受到了网络空间的影响,公信力变得更加脆弱。加强新媒体治理提高政府公信力,政府必须勇于自我革命,加快法治政府建设,有效促进社会共识;规范政府信息公开,提升网络治理应对能力;掌握舆论主动权,增强网络治理凝聚力;提高媒体素养,促进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化,以新的理念破解新的问题。  相似文献   

7.
公信力是政府政治合法性的根基,关系到社会的稳定。然而目前我国政府公信力的缺失已经成为阻碍社会发展的瓶颈,虽然造成这种局面的因素有很多,有政府方面的、公众方面的、社会方面的等,但是政府自身存在的问题是导致公信力流失的主要因素。因此,为弥补诚信缺失,打造阳光政府,重塑政府的公信力,政府必须转变职能,以公民需求为本位公开公共信息,提升危机管理能力,同时培育健康成熟的公民社会也是重塑政府公信力的需要。  相似文献   

8.
《学理论》2017,(4)
政府公信力属于政治伦理范畴,是政治学和行政学领域研究的重要议题之一。对政府公信力的概念进行解析,有助于政府通过完善自身施政行为获得公众信任。对政府公信力进行客观评价,需要从社会公众角度出发,以公众好恶为衡量标尺,从政府职能履行情况、政府信息公开情况、政府法治民主施行情况、政府廉洁高效情况四个维度进行评价。政府公信力建设能够提高全社会的道德水平、稳固政府的合法性地位、促进市场经济正常运行。  相似文献   

9.
行政忠诚作为政府公信力建设的核心内容,对保障行政组织的运行效率、提升政府形象和公信力、促进行政权力合法性等方面具有重要价值。目前政府公信力弱化的症结就是行政忠诚的流失。事实证明,培育行政忠诚是政府公信力建设之源。  相似文献   

10.
赵伟丽  刘韵清 《学理论》2009,(32):29-30
本文主要是从伦理角度对加强地方政府公信力建设进行研究,将政府公信力与我国地方实际情况相结合,对政府公信力的涵义、我国地方政府公信力建设存在的问题、及对策进行探讨。  相似文献   

11.
Using an online panel, we surveyed a representative sample of 500 each in Australia and New Zealand during July 2020, in the middle of the Covid-19 pandemic. We find trust in government has increased dramatically, with around 80% of respondents agreeing government was generally trustworthy. Around three quarters agreed management of the pandemic had increased their trust in government. Over 85% of respondents have confidence that public health scientists work in the public interest. Testing four hypotheses, we find that income and education predict trust in government and confidence in public health scientists, as does voting for the political party in government. Trust in government and confidence in public health scientists strongly predict Covid-19 phone application use, largely through convincing people the App is beneficial. Trust in government then is both an outcome and antecedent of government effectiveness. Building trust is important for governments implementing difficult policy responses during a crisis.  相似文献   

12.
在2011年全国调查数据的基础上,尝试以民众对不同层级政府的评价差异解释差序政府信任产生和维系的原因。研究发现民众在对中央和地方政府在绩效、动机以及腐败程度等问题进行评价时显著青睐于中央政府,这种评价上的差异导致民众对中央政府的信任显著高于对地方政府的信任,从而产生了差序政府信任。  相似文献   

13.
It is commonly said that the lockdowns and social distancing necessary to control coronavirus pandemics will only work if the general population trusts its government, believes the information it provides, and has confidence in its policies. This article traces the British government’s record in providing information about its policies and performance, and compares this with the public’s use of the mainstream news media. It then considers how these two sources of information affected trust in government and public compliance with social distancing and lockdown rules. Lastly, it compares Covid-19 with Brexit and draws conclusions about how beliefs and behaviour are formed when individuals are personally faced with a serious threat.  相似文献   

14.
For many social scientists, government intervention is linked to low levels of social trust and corruption, while others associate it with high trust and low corruption. We aim to reconcile these contrasting views by distinguishing the opposing effects of trust on two alternative types of government intervention: regulation and redistribution. We argue that distrusting individuals demand more governmental regulation (H1) but less government redistribution (H2), and this could be one of the mechanisms explaining why countries with low levels of trust tend to both overregulate and under-redistribute. And the effects of trust on policy preferences are conditional on the quality of institutions. The higher the level of quality of government in a particular region, the more high-trusting individuals will like government redistribution and dislike government regulation that restricts the operations of free markets (H3). We test these hypotheses with data from the latest round of the European Quality of Government Index (EQI) survey, which covers 77,000 individuals from 185 regions of 21 EU member states.  相似文献   

15.
Little is known about how different sources of information drive citizen trust in government. To address that gap this article compares disaster evacuees to observers, noting how trust differs as attention to media coverage increases. First‐hand experience supplies information to update trust through biological and personal processes and performance assessments, while secondary sources provide information about other people's experiences, filtered through lenses that take an active role in crafting information. These two types of information have varying effects depending on the level of government being trusted. Using surveys administered a year after Hurricane Katrina, I find that Katrina evacuees have the highest trust in federal government, until they start paying attention to media coverage, and that attention to coverage has the most dramatic effect on these evacuees compared to all other groups. I also find that increasing attention to second‐hand information corresponds with higher trust in local officials, and that this effect decreases as the level of government increases. It appears media coverage creates a comparison in the mind of hurricane evacuees, causing them to update their performance assessments based on comparing their own experience to that which they observe, thereby updating their political trust.  相似文献   

16.
Externalised service provision is now an embedded feature of Australia's service delivery architecture. However, the lessons drawn from two decades of contracted service delivery suggest that “competition” is an imperfect platform for the delivery of public services, especially where issues of trust in government come into play. Could the concept of a “social license to operate” (SLO), which has been in use in the natural resources sector for over two decades, help to facilitate the conferral of greater trust, credibility and legitimacy upon governments, and externalised service providers in social policy spaces?  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

Momentous events in Western democracies have brought renewed attention to how various aspects of government-controlled policy outputs and outcomes affect citizens’ trust in politics. Unlike most previous research, this study uses individual-level panel data to test the link between government performance evaluations and political trust. Moreover, it gauges performance in more policy areas than previous research, including key aspects of government-controlled social services as well as a wide range of economic risks. The study finds that evaluations of government performance affect political trust but that the evidence is stronger for evaluations of social protection than for economic risks. Crucially, the analysis suggests that the relationship between performance evaluations and distrust is reciprocal. The relationship may be described as a ‘downbound spiral’ where dissatisfied groups develop distrust, which in turn makes for a more pessimistic interpretation of economic risks and welfare state performance.  相似文献   

18.
Drawing on 438 telephone interview surveys in Australia and 500 in New Zealand, we find evidence of a 'participation divide' where those participating in politics do so using a range of means, including electronic ones. Those less likely to participate in politics, are less likely to participate across all means measured. Those with higher levels of education and income and of European ethnicity are more likely to participate. We confirm the existence of the so-called 'digital divide' with those that use e-government means and those that do not, being stratified by education, ethnicity, income, gender and age. Contrary to our expectations we find that lower levels of trust in government are associated with higher levels of some types of participation, including e-government ones.  相似文献   

19.
Despite considerable attention, helping agencies to work more effectively together is one of the most important contemporary challenges of public administration theory and practice. The New Zealand Better Public Services (BPS) Results program has been an unexpected success in this area and provides a positive case study. In 2012, the New Zealand government set targets for solving 11 important social problems where responsibility crossed agency boundaries and has made significant measurable progress in all 11 problems. This paper explores the conditions that may have enabled the most progress and possible management adaptations when these initial conditions are not fully met. In particular, the case demonstrates how goal commitment can be supported where there exist a large number of potential actors and how interagency trust can be built in the absence of existing relationships.  相似文献   

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