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1.
ABSTRACT

Since the 1960s, and especially the 1980s, Italy has participated in and led numerous peace support operations (PSOs), predominantly under the aegis of international organisations. Italy’s participation in PSOs authorised by the UN, the EU, NATO and other multilateral agreements stems from a combination of national interest and humanitarianism/multilateralism. However, although acknowledged as a significant contributor, a clear assessment of its status in global peacekeeping is still missing. In fact, Italy plays a role that is comparatively greater than all Western nations in the international fora taken into account, and, as such, can be described as ‘the West’s policeman’, from both a quantitative (number of troops) and qualitative (role within the missions) perspective. This might be somewhat curbed in the future, however, due to some of the country’s limitations on foreign policy.  相似文献   

2.
    
Peacekeeping today has become ever more complex reaching deep into conflict affected societies aiming to facilitate social, economic and political transformative processes in order to establish sustainable peace. However, most quantitative studies evaluate mission effectiveness only in terms of conflict abatement. This leaves a substantial assessment gap. Therefore this study explores the effects of multi-dimensional peacekeeping by using 12 governance indicators. The article finds that its ambitious goals have largely not been fulfilled. Although there are measureable effects on national security and political participation, in other areas such as personal safety, human development or public management the impact is minimal or non-existent. In order to explain variation across cases and indicators we are testing four intervening variables: the type of peacekeeping mission, the amount of resources allocated, the relative size of civilian and police units per missions and the relationship between personal safety and governance indicators.  相似文献   

3.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):385-408
Past studies regarding the success and/or failure of conflict management activities have brought about a wide range of results. In this paper we attempt to gain more definitive conclusions about effectiveness by accomplishing two tasks. First, using a basic theoretical framework we identify expectations of efficacy as they relate to differences between states, coalitions, and IGOs. Second, we also examine the utility of different conflict management techniques in an effort to place in greater perspective the effectiveness of mediation, the most utilized technique of third party intermediaries. Using a new dataset on third-party intermediary behavior in militarized disputes from 1946 to 2000, we find that while all conflict managers are useful in assisting belligerents in reaching a negotiated settlement, IGOs are the most effective. Additionally, while mediation is an effective technique to produce settlements, military intermediary actions, such as peacekeeping, are much more useful.  相似文献   

4.
Since the adoption of UNSCR 1325, more female peacekeepers are participating in peacekeeping missions than ever before. Nevertheless, the current literature on peacekeeping effectiveness is largely gender neutral, discounting the unique role female peacekeepers may play in peacekeeping operations. This article addresses this missing piece in the literature by assessing how female peacekeepers and locals view the role of women in peacekeeping operations. Using interviews and focus groups conducted with peacekeepers in the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) and original surveys conducted in Liberian communities, it finds that there is an “access gap” that prevents female peacekeepers from fully contributing to the mission’s operations and therefore prevents the peacekeeping mission from reaching its full potential. The findings have broader implications for how to improve peacekeeping missions’ effectiveness moving forward.  相似文献   

5.
This article examines the democratic reconstruction model advocated by western countries for postconflict societies. It finds that the model has not been implemented successfully, in part because of a lack of international political will and financial resources, in part because the model has grown too complex. As the international community learned from successive experiences with postconflict reconstruction, the model grew in sophistication and complexity. While this is good in theory, in practice it widens the gap between the ideal and what can actually be accomplished with limited international resources and weak local governments. Even in Bosnia, where international commitment has been large, this maximalist approach to state reconstruction has met with only limited success. The international community must rethink its approach to postconflict reconstruction and scale it down to something that can realistically be achieved.  相似文献   

6.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):340-361
Precise measurement is difficult but essential in the generation of high-quality data, and it is therefore remarkable that often so little attention is paid to intercoder reliability. It is commonly recognized that poor validity leads to systematic errors and biased inference. In contrast, low reliability is generally assumed to be a lesser concern, leading only to random errors and inefficiency. We evaluate the intercoder reliability of our recently collected data on governance events in UN peacekeeping and show how poor coding and low intercoder reliability can produce systematic errors and even biased inference. We also show how intercoder reliability checks are useful to improve data quality. Continuous testing for intercoder reliability ex post enables researchers to create better data and ultimately improves the quality of their analyses.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

Does the introduction of UN forces impact terrorism? We argue that at least initially, UN peacekeeping missions may significantly shift the local conflict bargaining process, creating incentives for terrorist and insurgent groups to increase their attacks against civilians. UN missions create a symbolic endpoint to initial negotiations, alter the balance of power between combatants, and may change the relationship between local combatants and the civilian population they rely on for support. We test this argument using monthly data from 12 African countries, analyzing the risk of terrorism at the local level. We find that the introduction of UN forces in an area significantly increases the short-term risk of terrorism, but longer missions in the country reduce this risk.  相似文献   

8.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):367-385
Do military regimes spend more on the military than other regime types? All leaders cater to their winning coalition. For military leaders, core supporters are other members of the military. To solicit support from this group, first, leaders are persuaded to spend more on the military to ensure their political survival, while other autocratic leaders tend to view the military as a competing power center. Second, the cost of repressing challenges from the public in military regimes is cheaper than in other regimes; therefore, leaders in military regimes allocate more resources to the military to satisfy them. We test this argument by examining military spending in different regime types for 1960–2000. The empirical results from Prais-Winsten regression with panel-corrected standard errors indicate that military regimes allocate more, on average, to the military than other regimes and that military rulers brought into power through military coups or who have experienced military coup attempts against them increase their military resource allocation.  相似文献   

9.
武装冲突刚刚结束后的国家容易出现安全缺口,普通民众依然面临着诸多安全威胁,主要有前战斗人员和缺乏管控的武器、不断上升的犯罪率、与选举相关的暴力及针对妇女儿童的犯罪等。此时,国家尚缺乏有效的国内治安治理机制和能力,警察机构亟须改革乃至重建。当今联合国维和行动越来越注重协助冲突后国家警察部门的改革与能力建设。改革应力求标本兼治,既缓解冲突后民众安全需求的燃眉之急,又注重警察部门中、长期的机构建设和发展。改革应以民众的安全为首要目标,重点是警察民主警务观念及技能的培养、组织架构及管理机制的建立,尤其是内部监督机制的建立与有效执行。此外,还应注意本土化问题。改革在实施过程中存在诸多挑战,如当地警力资源的匮乏、警察的公共形象差、民众的弱势地位、国际援助部门之间缺乏协调等。该文亦对增强冲突后国家警察队伍能力建设及民众保护问题提出了若干建议。  相似文献   

10.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):167-193
Over half of all civil wars that began and ended between 1944 and 1997 were followed by at least one if not more episodes of civil war. We present a model to explain which characteristics of a civil war and the post-war environment make civil war more or less likely to recur. We test this model with data on civil wars that began and ended between 1944 and 1997. Findings suggest that civil wars are less likely to recur following rebel victories and peace agreements supported by peacekeeping forces. Post-war economic development also reduces the probability of civil war recurrence, and the longer the peace can be sustained, the less likely civil war is to recur. These effects hold regardless of whether the previous war was ethnically based or not, and whether it was secessionist or revolutionary.  相似文献   

11.
    
ABSTRACT

Which organisational activities promote effective military emulation? Which variables facilitate and impede the emergence of these activities? Drawing upon the academic literatures on military change and management studies, as well as semi-structured interviews within the British and German militaries, this article identifies five key organisational activities which promote effective inter-organisational doctrinal learning. In doing so, the article improves understanding of the contribution that management studies can make to multi-disciplinary scholarship on military learning. The article examines the variables which facilitate the emergence of activities which support effective inter-organisational doctrinal learning through a case study of Bundeswehr doctrinal absorptive capacity during ISAF. It also explores the impact of these activities on doctrine development. The article demonstrates the crucial importance of active and well-informed civilian oversight of the activities which support military learning.  相似文献   

12.
Sovereign states remain the primary units of analysis in conflict research. Yet, the empirical record suggests that the international system includes a wider range of actors whose behavior is relevant for conflict outcomes. This article introduces De Facto States in International Politics (1945–2011), a new data set dedicated to understanding the behavior of de facto states—separatist statelike entities such as Abkhazia. I begin by explaining why de facto states deserve attention. Further, I provide a definition of the de facto state that separates it from cognate phenomena. Thereafter, I offer an overview of the data set and illustrate its utility by demonstrating how it contributes to the literatures on war and state making, civil war, and rebel governance.  相似文献   

13.
Since the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 (2000), which is referenced in most of the mandates for peacekeeping authorizations and renewals as of its adoption, UN peacekeeping forces have begun a process of gender balancing. While we have seen an increase in the numbers of female peacekeepers during the decade 2000–2010 and variation in the distribution patterns of female military personnel, we do not know if female military peacekeepers are deploying to areas that are safest or to areas with the greatest need for gender-balanced international involvement. Because the decision-making authority in the allocation of peacekeeping forces rests with the troop-contributing countries, which might not have bought into the gender balancing and mainstreaming initiatives mandated by the UN Security Council, we propose and find evidence that female military personnel tend to deploy to areas where there is least risk. They tend not to deploy where they may be most needed—where sexual violence and gender equity has been a major problem—and we find only a modest effect of having specific language in the mandates related to gender issues.  相似文献   

14.
Analytical Techniques in Conflict Management I Manas Chatterji. ‐ Aldershot : Dartmouth, C1992. ‐ 390p. ‐ ISBN 1–85521–221–8

The Chemical Weapons Convention and Arms Control in the Middle East I by Peter Herby. ‐ Oslo : PRIO, c1992. ‐ 127p. ‐ ISBN 82–7288–153–5

The Cost of Europe I edited by Patrick Minford. ‐ Manchester : Manchester University Press, c1992. ‐ xiv, 184p. ‐ ISBN 0–7190–3810–3 (pbk)

Economic Adjustment after the Cold War : Strategies for Conversion I Michael Renner. ‐ Geneva : UNIDIR ; Aldershot : Dartmouth, c1992. ‐ xiii, 264p. ‐ ISBN 1–85521–259–5

The European Rescue of the Nation‐state I Alan S. Milward. ‐ London : Routledge, 1992. ‐ xv, 477p. ‐ ISBN 0–415–08141–6

Fragile Finance : Rethinking the International Monetary System I John Williamson... [et al.] ; edited by Jan Joost Teunissen. ‐ The Hague : FONDAD, 1992. ‐132p. ‐ ISBN 90–74208–02–9

The Helsinki Process and the Reintegration of Europe, 1986–1991: Analysis and Documentation / Vojtech Mastny. ‐ London : Pinter Publishers, 1992. ‐ xxi, 343p. ‐ ISBN 1–85567–060–7

Israele e Palestina : il piano per la pace tra due stati sovrani I Mark A. Heller, Sari Nusseibeh. ‐ Ed. italiana a cura di Giorgio Gomel. ‐ Roma : Valerio Levi Editore, c1992. ‐ 205p.

Military Industrialization and Economic Development : Theory and Historical Case Studies I Raimo Vayrynen. ‐ Geneva : UNIDIR ; Aldershot : Dartmouth, C1992. ‐ 121p. ‐ ISBN 1–85521–286–2

The Nuclear Revolution and the End of the Cold War : Forced Restraint I Godfried van Benthem van der Bergh. ‐ Basingstoke : MacMillan, 1992. ‐ viii, 312p. ‐ ISBN 0–333–58011–7

Politiche della cooperazione a confronto : i modelli di Francia, Germania, Giappone e Spagna. Riflessioni per il caso italiano I Istituto per la ricostruzione industriale ; Paolo Guerrieri, Pier Luigi Malesani, Alessandro Ovi. ‐ Roma : Edindustria, 1992 printing. ‐ 179p.

Ruolo egemonico e modernizzazione in “Medio Oriente”: il dilemma degli aiuti economici americani in Egitto I Armando Salvatore. ‐ Napoli : Editrice Ferraro, c1991. ‐ 155p. ‐ ISBN 88–7271–057‐X  相似文献   

15.
联合国是维和行动主要的组织者和实施者。冷战结束以来,西方主导的联合国维和的目标由维护和平逐渐转变为战后重建,并开始承担复杂的国家建构任务。一方面,维和给目标国带来了和平,维和人员的日常开支对目标国经济的恢复和发展作出了一定贡献。但是维和任务的速成性和维和经济造成的收入两极分化等因素,都对目标国的经济发展产生了消极影响。另一方面,维和人员的税收豁免权、维和人员与其他社会群体的收入差距以及由此导致的政府部门人才流失和腐败、平行行政部门的出现等都严重削弱了政府对社会的渗透和控制能力。不仅如此,维和人员税收豁免和收入两极分化显著地降低了民众的纳税意愿,使得逃税和抗税盛行,提高了征税难度。维和部队对于目标国政府军向民众单方面使用暴力采取的不干涉态度,也强化了社会抗税心理。所以,西方主导的联合国维和行动既缩小了目标国的税基,降低了官僚机构的效能,又打击了民众的纳税意愿,显著地降低了目标国的财政汲取能力。本文对1980—2015年126个后殖民国家的大样本统计分析表明,无论是短期还是长期,西方主导的联合国维和行动和后殖民目标国的汲取能力都呈显著的负相关关系。  相似文献   

16.
The invasion of Iraq has been justified, ex post , as for the purpose of promoting the democratic peace. It does not, however, appear to have been a principal goal ex ante . Most democratic peace theorists, moreover, do not endorse democratic regime change by great-power external military intervention. Success is difficult to achieve (usually at high cost), and the conditions in Iraq were not promising even had the occupation been carried out more competently. Greater success in democratization has been achieved by UN peacekeeping operations, and by various regional international organizations using a variety of peaceful measures to ensure free elections, constrain authoritarian leaders, and empower democratic forces. International organizations, notably those whose membership is largely composed of democracies, are especially likely to succeed in promoting democracy.  相似文献   

17.
    
ABSTRACT

Does foreign aid strengthen or weaken post-conflict states? We examine the effects of aid on tax collection after civil war, an important dimension of state effectiveness. While the literature emphasizes aid’s perverse effects, the relationship between aid dependence and the growth of tax collection is unclear. We argue that the impact of aid reflects its political utility for ruling elites in consolidating their authority after civil war. While dominant parties subvert tax strengthening reforms to solidify their political base, elites in more fractionalized settings rely on external political backing to manage internal challenges to their authority, and are more likely to comply with donor conditions. We test this argument through a Latent Curve Analysis of tax collection rate growth in post-civil war countries from 1978 to 2012. We find that aid is associated with slower growth in tax collection in dominant party settings, and more rapid tax growth in politically fractionalized settings. The findings highlight the need for attention to internal political dynamics to explain aid effectiveness after civil war, and point to opportunities to strengthen institutions in some post-conflict countries.  相似文献   

18.
    
When an Iraqi noncombatant civilian is killed in the crossfire between the U.S. military and insurgents, the victim's family can apply for a \"condolence payment\" of up to $2,500 as a token of condolence and sympathy. As the process currently stands, the family member is handed a sum of money by U.S. personnel and ushered out the door. In this model, money equals apology. In this article, the author argues that the efficacy and efficiency of the current condolence payment program could be greatly increased by adding Arab-Muslim mediation techniques tailored to Iraqi culture. Mediation would fill a gap in the current program to help foster a constructive, stabilizing dialogue between the U.S. military and aggrieved Iraqi civilians. The author believes that with each positive, mediated interaction — each reconciliative engagement between an aggrieved Iraqi civilian, a mediator, and a U.S. military representative — the U.S. military can prevent today's aggrieved Iraqi parent, sibling, or child from becoming tomorrow's insurgent.
This article was written with two goals. The implementation of a mediated condolence payment program, even on a limited or pilot basis, would likely increase the chances of American success in Iraq and improve the daily lives of Iraqi civilians. If it is not possible to implement such a program in Iraq before American involvement there ends, then it may still have value as an important component of the post-conflict nation-building playbook of the U.S. and other foreign forces.  相似文献   

19.
Growing evidence in Western nations indicates that exposure to high levels of sexual media content influences adolescents’ sexual attitudes and behaviours in those countries. Although media in many sub-Saharan markets contain increasingly higher levels of sexual content, little research has investigated the effects of that content on adolescents’ HIV-related risk and protective behaviours. This project used cultivation theory to examine Ugandan adolescents’ media use, and to test the relationship between their exposure to specific television genres and their sex-related normative beliefs and behaviours. Three hundred and sixty secondary school students from four purposively sampled schools filled out a questionnaire about their television viewing, their beliefs about the prevalence of sexual intercourse among their peers, and their own sexual behaviours. Preliminary evidence of relationships between watching comedy and cartoon programming, and high estimates of the proportion of adolescents who engage in sexual intercourse, were observed. Watching comedy programming and non- African programming was associated with the higher likelihood to have ever had sexual intercourse.  相似文献   

20.
近年来,由于北约东扩、美国筹建国家导弹防御系统以及车臣战争的爆发,俄罗斯日益感到其国家安全遭到威胁.普京自执政以来,非常重视俄罗斯的军事建设与改革.他从本国实际出发,在继承和发展叶利钦时代改革成果的基础上,积极加强国防和军事建设,加紧推进军事改革进程.本文从7方面论述了俄罗斯军事建设与改革的新动向.可以认为,普京时代俄军事建设与改革将进入一个新的深化发展阶段.  相似文献   

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