Clientelism: factionalism in the allocation of public resources in Iraq after 2003

This article examines clientelism in Iraq as a case study of one form of corruption. Iraq is an unusual case of corruption, because a key feature of Iraq's corrupt environment is an institutionalised factional political system based on sectarian quotas. The article explores the many links between clientelism and political factionalism, discussing whether clientelism arose because of factionalism, or whether factionalism merely determines the ways that clientelism currently operates in Iraq. Using fieldwork data, the findings show there are two distinct levels of clientelism in Iraq, both of which are linked to political factions: the individual level and the organisational level. First, clientelism at the individual level entails the elites of many political factions regarding ‘money politics’ as a means of influence in Iraq/Kurdistan by buying people's affiliations and thereby governing people. Second, clientelism at the organisational level entails that the spoils of political office are shared out among the elites of the political factions in a proportionate fashion. The article concludes that clientelism is a form of political rather than economic corruption; and that while there may be some immediate value in clientelism, its long-term harm outweighs its short-term value.     

Assessing co-development projects for civil society building in Iraq: the case of the Iraqi diaspora and Swedish institutions following the 2003 intervention in Iraq

ABSTRACT

While the literature has expounded diaspora’s involvement in homeland politics through lobbying efforts to influence hostland foreign policies, involvement in homeland conflicts and peace-building, this paper addresses a less-explored area in the diaspora literature related to the development of democracy through transnational civil society building. Using the case study of the Iraqi diaspora in Sweden, this paper assesses co-development projects financed by Sweden’s International Development Corporation Agency (SIDA) between Swedish institutional partners and Iraqi diaspora organizations from 2004 to 2008. Looking at both the perspective of the diaspora and public officials in Sweden, the paper problematizes the notion of diaspora as development partners and provides a nuanced understanding and new insights into the opportunities, challenges and limitations of diasporic initiatives aimed at supporting homeland civil society. Diaspora initiatives, it is argued, need to consider homeland security, understandings of development and goals, as well as homeland social and political contexts for exploring the opportunities and limitations of diasporic contributions. This is important for understanding both how and when diaspora’s involvement is to be supported, especially in conflict or post-conflict settings.     

Addressing Corruption in Post-Soeharto Indonesia: The Role of the Corruption Eradication Commission

ABSTRACT

Anti-corruption became one of the top priorities in post-Soeharto Indonesia, with democratisation, market liberalisation and institutional anti-corruption frameworks pursued as means to enhance transparency and accountability in public governance. A core component of these efforts was the establishment of a powerful anti-corruption agency, the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). This article assesses the effectiveness of the KPK, using evidence from two contrasting cases to identify factors that facilitated or impeded its ability to successfully investigate, prosecute and thus contain high-level corruption. The analysis highlights the threats to the KPK posed by resilient networks that were able to reconsolidate and resist anti-corruption efforts in post-Soeharto Indonesia. However, it also identifies countervailing social forces that emerged in the context of democratisation – in particular, an active civil society and a largely free press. While these supportive pressures from civil society could not fully counter the attacks on the KPK, they were able to prevent its marginalisation in the two major cases examined. Overall the KPK’s success in addressing high-level corruption is shown to be dependent on the interaction of political dynamics, interests and power relations, with no guarantee that anti-corruption forces will prevail in future cases.     

全球结构冲突与美国霸权的合法性危机--解读伊拉克战争后的世界政治

本文以全球化为背景,分析了伊拉克战争的性质、特点及其与全球权力结构的关系.作者认为伊拉克战争不是海湾战争的延续,而是一场新型的全球化战争.伊拉克战争在一定程度上动摇了国际法体制,但不会出现所谓的战后新世界.伊拉克战争具有的特点及其体现的全球结构冲突,在今后一段时期内仍将决定世界政治的发展方向,而这种世界政治的发展方向将使美国的世界霸权遭遇更大的合法性危机.     

Political Corruption in Central America: Assessment and Explanation

Analysts agree that political corruption is an obstacle to democratic consolidation but disagree about how to measure the extent of corruption in individual nations. This analysis of the Central American countries demonstrates that the most important competing quantitative measures of political corruption produce strikingly different rankings. These contradictory results are caused less by poor measurement techniques than by the existence of two different dimensions of corruption that do not always coincide. Statistical indicators based on expert perceptions of corruption and alternative indicators based on ordinary citizens' firsthand experiences with bribery measure, respectively, grand corruption by senior officials and petty corruption by lower‐level functionaries. This study attempts to explain why several Central American nations suffer primarily from one or the other rather than both. It advances recommendations for future research and future anticorruption policies that may be applied to Latin America as a whole.     

文化、政治与腐败--关于亨廷顿论新加坡有效治理腐败原因的一点质疑

本文对亨廷顿关于新加坡有效治理腐败的原因提出了质疑.亨廷顿认为,李光耀及其政府的政治作为成功地改变了新加坡的文化,在文化已经西化的基础上,新加坡治理腐败取得了成功.但是,笔者以为,新加坡的文化并没有西方化或发生了根本性的变化,其变化主要是表层和生活方式上的,而不是深层的价值观和思维方式上的.从这种变化的原因来看,也并非主要是李光耀及其政府的政治作为所致,而是各种外在的挑战和内在的主客观条件所致.笔者还对关于文化与政治之间关系的不同流派的主流观点进行了评述.     

Parliamentary oversight and corruption in the Caribbean: comparing Trinidad & Tobago and Grenada

Parliamentary oversight is a key determinant of corruption levels. This article presents research findings on parliamentary oversight in two Caribbean countries: Trinidad & Tobago and Grenada. Our results cast doubt on the results of previous research and also indicate that certain facets of ‘the Westminster’ system need to be relaxed, to reflect contextual reality in smaller island economies. Political will to adopt our recommended reforms is critical, but, as in other countries, inertia often dominates the political environment. Until citizens demand that their elected representatives establish various oversight and anti-corruption mechanisms and ensure these mechanisms are free of political influence, the institutions will be ‘window dressing’ and corrupt actions will go undeterred and unpunished.     

西方学者对腐败的理论研究

本文在阅读大量西方,特别是美国学者关于腐败理论研究著述的基础上,对腐败理论在西方的演变,西方学者对腐败的定义、腐败产生的根源及后果等问题的不同看法,进行了分析和整理。文章认为,美国对于政治腐败的系统研究始于20世纪70年代,那时美国学术界产生了政治腐败研究的修正主义方法。经过近25年的争论,约瑟夫·奈用现代化过程来解释腐败的观点,得到了不少学者的认同。文章在最后提出了现代化是否都要经历一个政治腐败的过程、用于解释第三世界国家腐败的理论是否适用于我国等令人深思的问题。