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In the recent economic literature the independence of the central bank is often considered to be one of the most effective guarantees to achieve price stability. A strong theoretical basis for this proposition is that the monetary policy delegation given to an independent central bank is an optimal instrument to avoid the time inconsistency problem of monetary policy. This paper investigates the stability properties of this solution in a simple game in which the private sector (i.e. the trade unions) and the public sector (i.e. the central bank) simultaneously interact. A representative monopoly union is considered, and – in line with the recent economic debate – two types of unions are investigated: (i) the standard micro-founded trade union; (ii) the inflation-averse trade union. In both cases, we find that the requirement for the Nash equilibrium to be stable imposes a limit to the conservativeness of the central bank. Instability of the Nash equilibrium reveals a strategic co-ordination failure between the public and the private sector.  相似文献   

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This article examines the development of citizenship within the European Economic Community as a model for citizenship as such, within a global environment. In historical terms, citizenship evolved within the nation‐state, but the nation‐state, which is no longer valid as the exclusive model of economic development, may be inappropriate as a framework for social rights. The fluidity of labour within the European community means that traditional means of political representation within the nation‐state are irrelevant. Within a global context, the economic barriers which are required by nation‐states constitute political barriers to social rights through the vehicle of citizenship. The article considers the European experience of regional politics as lessons for citizenship reform in a global system.  相似文献   

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《学理论》2013,(29)
由于人们的知识经验和能力有限,对于较为重要或复杂的决策问题,决策者常常需要寻求他人建议,或者直接请他人代己决策。近几十年来,诸多学者探讨了自己决策、建议采纳、代他人决策等之间的差异,以期获得决策质量等差异形成的原因及其机制。以往研究表明,自己-他人决策差异确实存在,从决策准备(信息的选择与加工)、决策过程(选择偏好)、决策结果(决策的质量与满意度)几个视角对相关研究做出整理和陈述,并对未来自己-他人决策研究提出新视角。  相似文献   

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敬业度研究的进展及展望   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
叶安丽 《学理论》2010,(13):87-89
敬业度指的是组织成员在工作角色中于生理、认知和情感三方面的自我投入和运用。近年来学者们的主要关注点在敬业度的特征、结构、测量和作用机制与工作倦怠、工作满意度等相关变量的关系,以及对工作绩效等的影响。文章对敬业度的研究进行了较为全面的总结,并指出了这一领域今后的研究趋势和方向。  相似文献   

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《Strategic Comments》2017,23(7):viii-x
Special Counsel Robert Mueller heads the most aggressive of five investigations of possible collusion between US President Donald Trump's campaign and Russia to influence the 2016 US presidential election. Trump has continued to pursue a conspicuously friendly relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Trump will probably continue to attack the special counsel’s legitimacy and avoid unequivocally acknowledging Russian interference for as long as possible.  相似文献   

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逆全球化和新冠肺炎疫情大流行背景下,提升中俄两国贸易便利化水平,是应对新冠肺炎疫情冲击、响应共建"一带一路"互联互通、促进"双循环"新发展格局构建、探索经济高质量发展的重要举措,可以显著推动两国贸易合作和经济往来。中俄两国贸易往来存在政府政策与法律制度多变、口岸与基础设施欠缺、海关与边境管理手续复杂、电子商务与金融服务不健全等诸多问题,使贸易便利化机制难以形成,不利于展现其在应对新冠肺炎疫情和逆全球化挑战时的有效影响。未来,中俄两国可在政治互信水平、"一带一路"互联互通机制、智慧物流平台、跨境电子支付等方面提高贸易便利化水平。  相似文献   

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20世纪90年代,可以说是中俄两国关系史上比较好的时期,两国在和平共处五项原则的基础上,适应冷战结束后国际形势发展的新特点,在相互关系中既排除了意识形态因素,也摒弃了冷战思维的干扰,建立了长期稳定的睦邻友好、互利合作的战略协作伙伴关系。在21世纪,中俄战略协作伙伴关系将会继续得到巩固与发展。一、中俄关系的发展及其特点苏联解体后,中俄关系的发展大体经历了三个阶段:从1992—1994年为第一阶段,中俄关系在原来已改善的中苏关系的基础上继续得到发展,双方都视对方为友好邻邦;从1994—1996年为第二阶段,随着俄罗斯改变…  相似文献   

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张文兰 《学理论》2012,(10):168-169
面包是俄罗斯人的传统主食。在样式众多风味各异的面包制品中,尤以营养价值最高、对健康最有益的黑面包脍炙人口。"面包和盐"是俄罗斯人的最爱,也是最具民族文化内涵的食品,用它待客是俄罗斯古老的文化习俗,也是俄罗斯民族慷慨、友善性格的最高体现。  相似文献   

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对当今心脏地带的地缘政治特征进行了深入剖析.指出俄罗斯的行为重心转向了当前心脏地带的边缘层.  相似文献   

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It is frequently claimed in the media that the trade union movement is the dominant political force in Britain. Such conclusions are based upon impressionistic and subjective judgements rather than thorough academic analysis. Fortunately, there has been a resurgence of more serious study of the trade union relationship with, and influence over, government. The aim of this article is to review this literature and it is divided into four major parts: the strategies unions use in influencing government; the growing literature on the economic role of the unions; the effect of unions on government policy making; the power of the trade unions in relation to that of capital.  相似文献   

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《学理论》2014,(33)
华侨赴俄这一现象具有政治、经济、生活等多方面原因。早期旅俄华侨由于丧失土地、连年战乱、灾荒、清政府取消封禁政策、俄罗斯远东大开发等原因,为了生存,他们不远千里,采取旱路、水路、水旱相结合或者步行的方式赴俄国务工、经商,完成养家糊口的重任。  相似文献   

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苏联解体后前苏联部分加盟共和国出于维系传统联系、共同解决分家事宜等考虑,成立了独立国家联合体。该组织并不具有国家的功能,甚至并未发展成为一个成熟的区域联合体,仅作为前苏联成员国咨询协调的平台。二十多年来,俄罗斯对独联体政策经历了从"甩包袱"到视为恢复大国地位的战略依托的演变。2011年普京提出与前苏联成员国共同构建"欧亚联盟"的战略构想,"欧亚经济联盟"已经于2015年1月1日正式启动。从目前来看俄罗斯与独联体国家的一体化进程仍将面临多重阻碍,其发展前景仍有待观察。  相似文献   

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《Strategic Comments》2018,24(4):iii-v
Russia and the West are engaged in an ongoing strategic confrontation that shows few signs of relenting. While it is to an extent moderated by the practical need for cooperation on important security issues, Cold War-era logic is likely to prevail in the medium term. The key challenge is to develop clear rules for managing the confrontation.  相似文献   

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Despite a large literature on voter turnout around the world, our understanding of the role of labor union membership remains muddled. In this paper, we examine the relationship between union membership and voting. Using individual level International Social Science Program (ISSP) data from thirty-two countries, we find that union members are more likely to vote and that the substantive effect rivals that of other common predictors of voting. This relationship is also largely invariant across an array of demographic factors, indicating that unions tend to be “equal opportunity mobilizers.” We also find that unions have “spillover” effects: controlling for a variety of other factors, even non-union members are more likely to turn out to vote in countries with higher union densities. In sum, we find that labor unions have a consistent political influence across a wide set of countries.  相似文献   

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This article applies new institutionalist perspectives on institutional change to the inclusion in the Maastricht Treaty of social dialogue provisions giving the social partners the right to participate in social policy‐making. It concludes that the new institutionalism cannot explain institutional change. By relying on exogenous variables such as ‘critical junctures’, ‘leadership’ or ‘ideas’, new institutionalist analyses resort to a collection of explanations that proponents of almost any theoretical perspective could use. The new institutionalisin's failure to develop an institutionalist account of change is a serious weakness that brings into question its use as an analytical tool in EU studies.  相似文献   

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