Representatives and Represented in England, 1660–89

SUMMARY

This article considers the tensions and ambiguities in the attitudes of members of the English House of Commons towards those they represented. Constitutionally, the Commons assented to laws and taxes in the name of, and on behalf of, the people and presented the nation's grievances to the king. They were thus conscious to some extent of the need to defend the people's interests and to justify their conduct to the electorate and to their neighbours. However, memories of the civil wars made them nervous of popular involvement in politics and strongly resistant to any suggestion that ‘the people’ in whose name they spoke had any right to be consulted on ‘public’ issues, still less to tell them how to act. The latter part of the article explores one aspect of this attitude, the concern to maintain the confidentiality of proceedings in Parliament and to restrict the dissemination of parliamentary news, which meant that only in 1680–81 did the Commons agree to the printing of their ‘votes’.     

Parliament,printed petitions and the political imaginary in seventeenth-century England

ABSTRACT

Building on recent scholarship relating to the emergence of printed petitions in Britain in the seventeenth century, this article concentrates on those printed petitions that were designed for more or less discreet or limited circulation in order to lobby parliament. It draws on two collections of such material gathered by the MPs Bulstrode Whitelocke (in the 1650s) and Sir Michael Wentworth (in the 1680s and 1690s). Because print facilitated novel ways of engaging with parliament – not least as problems went unresolved and cases dragged on – printed petitions provide a useful window into the aspirations and frustrations of supplicants, and indeed into their political thinking, however rudimentary this may have been. In tracing what might be called the ‘political imaginary’ of contemporary petitioners, this study recovers evidence of radicalization, but also suggests that the art of petitioning could involve the deliberate avoidance of ideological issues that nevertheless underpinned specific interventions.     

The reorientation of place legislation in England in the 1690s

Summary

Mediating Conflict in the Swiss Diets of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries

The Helvetic Confederation developed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries as a web of alliances between the most important urban and peasant republics (Orte) in the area of present‐day Switzerland. The only form of mediating conflicts laid down in the alliances was by tribunals of arbitration; but these were never recognised by all the Orte in the web of alliances and proved inadequate in the face of growing antagonisms and coalitions throughout the Confederacy. It became necessary to have recourse to political arrangements involving the interested parties. The forum for these arrangements was the Diets, meetings of deputies of all members of the Confederacy. These more or less represented the most important political forces. Difficulties arose only when there was no consensus in individual Orten and when the official deputies to the Diet represented only the magistrates (Obrigkeiten). In such cases it could happen, especially in matters of foreign policy, that individual groups went their own way and thwarted the decisions of the Diet. It usually took a long time to arrive at a consensus in the Diets because the deputies were bound by an ‘imperative mandate’ and the minority would mostly not accept the will of the majority. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries participation and the achievement of consensus were the conditions of joint action of the Helvetic Confederation.     

Parliament and the army in England 1659: Constitutional thought and the struggle for control

Summary

Thomas Secker, archbishop of Canterbury from 1758 to 1768, was one of the most notable Anglican bishops of the eighteenth century. This article traces his involvement with Parliament throughout his career. The shorthand notes he made of speeches he had heard between 1735 and 1743, which he wrote up afterwards, were used by William Cobbett in assembling his Parliamentary History of England. Secker was an able speaker in the Lords and possessed a vein of independence, judging each bill on its merits, sometimes voting with and sometimes against the Court. This independence weakened his standing with the king and ministry and resulted in his being left in the see of Oxford from 1737 until 1758, when the king at last spoke to him again. Secker strongly opposed the Pretender's rebellion of 1745, but he was not always successful in other causes he espoused, notably his support for the Jew Bill of 1753. His years as archbishop were dogged by ill health, although he remained a person of weight in the Upper House. These were years when the Church of England was on the defensive, with Convocation prorogued, and Seeker found himself in a straitjacket. However, his devotion to the Hanoverian succession and the Church never wavered.     

Die wissensbasierte Regierung der Bildung – Die Genese einer transnationalen Gouvernementalität in England und Schweden

Knowledge-based government of education constitutes a transnationally distributed practice of government that appears in various forms in different countries. The article defines government in accordance with Michel Foucault as governmentality—a particular configuration of governmental practices and body of knowledge—and develops a heuristic framework to study the historical development of knowledge-based government in the form of a “genealogy of government”. Two historical and comparative case studies on England and Sweden reconstruct the historical processes that involved the emergence of two particular models of knowledge-based government of education and explain their particular local characteristics. On the empirical results obtained the paper outlines the phenomenal structure of knowledge-based government of education as transnational social order and displays a number of general dimensions, in which different types of knowledge-based government of education differ from each other.     

Commercial development and the evolution of political cultures: Ming/Qing China and 17th century England

Extensive commercial development occurred in China in the late Ming (1368–1644) and early Qing (1644–1911) dynasties and in 17^th century England. In both countries the scale of activity and the institutional innovations that were introduced to safeguard transactions threatened the status rules of the hegemonic political culture. In England, however, these challenges were part of a larger panorama of change. Conceptions of law rooted in the past were refashioned to meet challenges posed by religious and political conflict as well as rapid commercial development. A new legal culture emerged that powerfully influenced the political culture. In China commercial expansion led to the development of novel banking and trading organizations. New patterns of social interaction came into being that existed side by side with inherited forms that had roots in antiquity. Tendencies favoring the evolution of Chinese political culture, however, were curtailed by political authority which upheld traditional Confucian culture and the legitimacy that this culture accorded to traditional elites. In both societies prevailing values and beliefs influenced the direction and degree of change in their political cultures.     

Parliamentary reporting in England in the early eighteenth century an abortive attempt to influence the magazines in 1744

SUMMARY

In this article Joachim Bahlcke has re-examined the significance of the agreement of the Estates of the crown of St Wenceslas, representing Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Upper- and Lower Lusatia to a federal constitution, the Confoederatio Bohemica in 1619. He argues that this was not just an improvised response to the contingencies of the Bohemian revolt against their Habsburg king, Ferdinand of Styria, but the outcome of a lengthy process of discussion and negotiation between the Estates. He argues that they achieved a remarkable success in overcoming deeply rooted internal divisions, and produced a mature set of constitutional proposals involving significant modernizations of the traditional structures to achieve a strong federal system based on equality of rights between the participating Lands. These reflected ideas drawn from leading political thinkers of the age. He believes the Confoederatio Bohemica represented an alternative model of a more effective central government, based on consent from below, to the monarchical-absolutist command model then coming into favour in Europe.     

‘The devil or the Dutch’: Holland's impact on the financial revolution in England, 1643–1694

SUMMARY

In this article Beat Kümin and Andreas Würgler make a comparative study of how the peoples in early modern England and Hesse used their acknowledged rights to present petitions and grievances to exercise a real influence on the process of legislation, and even over administration in general. They could on occasion, virtually initiate legislation from below. The article illustrates the unusually wide scope and usage of the petition in England, helped by the early recognition of the subjects' right to petition both houses of Parliament as well as the monarch. It is suggested that this could result in a broad popular participation in the work of government. But even in Hesse, where the rulers asserted their sovereign rights as sole legislators and where, from the seventeenth century, they were attempting to develop an effective bureaucratic administration to sustain their aspirations, the method of petitioning the ruler, either through the Estates, Gravamina or directly, enabled ordinary people to have a part in promoting legislation and to participate in, and even effectively restrain, the princely administration.