俄共新党纲评析——兼论俄联邦共产党的性质

1995年1月22日,俄罗斯联邦共产党第三次代表大会通过了《俄罗斯联邦共产党纲领》(以下简称为俄共新党纲),引起了俄国内外的广泛关注。俄共新党纲规定了党的目标和实现目标的策略方针,指明了俄共今后的发展方向。新党纲的制定和通过,表明俄共进入了一个新的发展阶段。俄共三大以后,俄共以新党纲为指针,积极开展议会斗争、新杜马竞选活动和     

前苏联的共产党人会不会东山再起?

1991年8.19事件后叶利钦宣布停止苏共和俄共的一切活动,解散其组织,没收其财产。执政70多年的共产党从俄罗斯政坛上消声匿迹。但是部份共产党员不服叶利钦的禁令,一些人民代表也认为叶利钦的命令不符合宪法。1991年12月有36名俄罗斯人民代表诉诸宪法法院,指控叶氏命令违宪。经过审理宪法法院于1992年11月30日作出裁决,认定停止苏共和俄共的活动是符合宪法的,但禁止以区为单位的基层组织活动是违反宪法的。这实际上为共产党恢复活动开了禁,为此俄共积极筹备重新建党。1993年2月俄共举行第二次(重建和联合)代表大会,正式宣告俄共重建并选出以久加诺夫为中央执委会主席的中央机构。3月俄共正式向司法部登记。俄共恢复活动在俄罗斯国内外引起很大反响。     

十月革命后共产国际的东方战略及东方革命的展开

1917年俄国十月革命开创了20世纪的世界革命运动。共产国际承担了世界革命的组织和指导功能。从共产国际二大开始,列宁和布尔什维克党将世界革命的战略重心转向东方国家,重点在东亚地区的中国(及外蒙古)、朝鲜、日本、印度支那组建共产党,开展共产党领导的革命运动。共产国际东方战略的制定及东方革命的展开,促进了东方国家的民族解放运动,同时也确立了苏联对这些国家共产党和革命运动的领导地位。     

"杜马风波"使俄共遭到挫折

今年4月,俄罗斯的中派议员和右派议员联合起来,发动了针对俄共的一次"杜马风波".这次事件说明,俄共同普京的关系已经恶化,中派政党和右派组织开始联合反共,使俄共面临一次政治危机."杜马风波"后,俄共内部矛盾也进一步扩大,前景堪忧.     

再论农民与布尔什维克党在十月革命中的关系(1917.3-10)——基于国外学者研究成果及列宁有关论述的新探讨

十月革命中,俄国农民作为一支重要力量投入了革命,对推动革命的进程起了极其重要的作用。布尔什维克党虽力图直接领导他们,但他们却基本上是以自发的起义形式来进行革命的,因此十月革命并非是一场以布尔什维克党领导的工农联盟的形式进行的社会主义革命。不过,农民的革命运动与布尔什维克党领导的城市工兵革命在一致反对资产阶级政权的基础上形成了客观上的革命联盟,二者共同将该政权推向孤立、孱弱的绝境之中,从而保证了十月革命得以较为容易地取得胜利。     

俄共的现状与前景探析

恢复重建 初试锋芒 苏联解体后被禁的俄共中一些中坚力量在党员中开展组织工作,试图重整旗鼓。他们在俄罗斯宪法范围内为争取俄共成为公开的合法的政党进行了坚持不懈的努力,经过反复斗争俄宪法法院终于作出折衷判决:“停止苏共、俄共领导机构的活动是合法的,但解散党     

“分而治之”还是“自下而上”——再议苏联初期的中亚民族划界

当今中亚的政治版图,主要由20世纪20至30年代苏联的民族划界工作所奠定。关于该事件性质及其历史影响,国内学者普遍认为,民族划界首先具有满足中亚各民族自决诉求、巩固新社会制度的意义;其次,俄共(布)中央同时有着对中亚边疆居民分而治之的考虑,即以塑造民族共和国的方式强化民族间差异,消解宗教传统和"双泛"思潮的历史影响。本文在综合各国学者观点的基础上,结合档案研究成果,提出苏联在中亚的民族划界进程可以分为1924-1925年的初次划界和1929年、1936年两次调整。初次划界进程主要由中亚本地各族党员干部提议,并通过反复争论,达成中亚南部划界方案。俄共(布)中央在这一阶段并未对划界进程进行积极干预,所谓"分而治之"的意图在初次划界过程中并无显著表现。但1926年以后,苏联对塔吉克、吉尔吉斯、和哈萨克三个民族自治单位行政隶属和行政级别的变更,则更多体现了自上而下的政治意志。2016年末以来,苏联初期民族划界遗留的费尔干纳盆地飞地问题,在乌、吉、塔三国外交关系升温的背景下出现积极变化。     

俄罗斯知识分子与布尔什维克

俄罗斯历次沙皇专制体制内自上而下改革的失败和完全缺乏西方式的市民社会的现实,规约了俄罗斯知识分子将以舍我其谁的责任感承担起推进和完成现代化的使命。由此,他们开始组织化,从知识精英走向政党精英。而后,布尔什维克又从革命党成为执政党。但布尔什维克并没有摆脱俄罗斯知识分子那种由历史文化传统模塑的充满悖论的文化特质的影响,对自身文化缺陷和现代政党文化建设的必要性并没有引起足够的重视,这又一次使俄罗斯现代转型和自身角色转换陷入泥淖。     

共产国际、俄共（布）与中国早期革命者之间的联系——以中国共产党成立前为背景

十月革命胜利以后,为了打破帝国主义的封锁和包围,在东方寻找苏俄的朋友和支持力量,列宁领导的共产国际、俄共（布）目光东移,对东方殖民地半殖民地的民族解放运动寄托了越来越大的希望,对中国革命新动向予以极大的关注和怀有极大的兴趣,先后多次派人以各种身份来到中国,了解革命的情况,帮助中国建立共产党。为了加快在东方,特别是在中国...     

俄共在总统选举中因何败北及其今后的走势

在俄罗斯总统选举中人民爱国力量联盟候选人(俄共领导人)久加诺夫在第二轮选举中以13个百分点之差败给现任总统叶利钦,俄共再次成为在野党。虽然俄总统选举已过去了一段时间,但俄共失败的原因仍令人深思。俄共之所以在选举中败北,有其主观的原因,也有其客观因素。     

韩国的环保运动和绿党初探

韩国的环保运动和绿党建设在世界上并不属于先进之列,但在亚洲比很多国家先行一步。正是这先行的一步,为文化相似、经济发展阶段相近的周边国家提供了借鉴经验。20世纪90年代全面展开的韩国环保运动,一直坚持草根政治路线,致力模仿欧洲绿党建党。2012年3月成立的绿党,将政治选举和社会运动结合在一起,具有运动政党的典型特征。但是,由于韩国政治制度和社会环境还没有为绿党的发展提供必要的条件,韩国绿党不仅很难进入国会,甚至不能继续正式注册。如何进一步丰富政党政策,巩固政党组织,增加绿色理念的社会认知度,直接决定韩国绿党能否获得新生。     

From Contestation to Autonomy: The Staging and Framing of Anti-Hanson Contention

The rise of Hansonism provoked a campaign of demonstrations, rallies, marches and walkouts. This movement was frequently received within the media as violent, disruptive, and illiberal. However, I argue that anti-Hanson contention represented a noteworthy form of active citizenship. It contested the presence of the One Nation Party, undermined the ideological claim that Hanson represented 'ordinary' Australians, and garnered substantial publicity. The anti-Hanson campaign was concerned not only with the staging of dissent in public space, but with how that dissent was framed within the public sphere. Reflecting these public dynamics, the anti-Hanson movement moved over time from a reliance on contestational gatherings, that directly opposed the One Nation Party in physical space to autonomous gatherings, that attempted to create separate spaces of anti-racist politics. Ultimately, therefore, the campaign can be understood as a flexible, democratic and self-reflexive form of political mobilisation.     

Sharaf Rashidov and the international dimensions of Soviet Uzbekistan

ABSTRACT

During the Cold War, Sharaf Rashidov became a representative of the Soviet anti-imperialist agenda, a key interlocutor with Third World leaders and a promoter of Uzbekistan as a modern and emancipated model of political, economic, social and cultural development for newly independent countries emerging from decolonization. Tashkent hosted important meetings among Soviet and Asian leaders, along with international festivals of cinema and literature, which attracted hundreds of Asian, African and Latin American intellectuals, writers, poets, journalists, trade unionists and athletes. Moreover, Uzbekistan came to symbolize the self-proclaimed compatibility between communism and Islam, offering a façade of religious freedom, tolerance and tradition combined with Bolshevik progress. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan discredited this narrative – and Uzbekistan and (posthumously) Rashidov were humiliated in the Cotton Affair – pointing to the impact as well as the limits of Uzbek internationalism.     

A Troika of Agitators: Three Comintern Liaison Agents in Australia, 1920–22

Peter Simonoff, Consul‐General in Australia for the Bolshevik regime from early 1918 to mid‐1921, is known to have played an active role in the founding of the Communist Party of Australia in 1920, and in promoting the “Trades Hall” faction against the ASP faction when the new party divided. Paul Freeman and Alexander Zuzenko, both deported from Australia in 1919, made return visits to Australia from Moscow in 1921 and 1922 to carry the process further. Freeman, however, backed the ASP faction, while Zuzenko lent his support to “Trades Hall”. This paper uses previously unknown reports to the Comintern's Executive Committee (ECCI) from Simonoff, Freeman and Zuzenko, as well as Australian sources, to study the relations between these men and their mutually contradictory actions.     

The 2007 Australian Federal Election: The Story of Labor's Return from the Electoral Wilderness

In an era of continuous campaigning, elections are seldom won in the final weeks of the formal campaign period. The 2007 Australian federal election saw voters dispatch a Liberal Party and Nationals Coalition government that had presided over a buoyant economy, and return the Australian Labor Party from the electoral wilderness it had occupied since 1996. The explanation of this revival in Labor's stocks can be traced to the Wheat Board scandal, the unpopularity of the labour market deregulation, and to a series of other political tribulations that the fourth Howard Government faced during 2005 and 2006. Initially their impact was masked by the failure of Labor's parliamentary leadership. But when caucus elected Kevin Rudd and freed him to position Labor as offering fresh ideas and a safe pair of hands, Labor seized a lead in the opinion polls and retained it throughout 2007. Rudd's tactical leadership of his party proved critical. This article describes how the 2007 campaign unfolded and the pattern of events which saw a refashioned ALP win an eighteen‐seat lower house majority.     

In their image: The Vietnamese Communist Party,the “West” and the social evils campaign of 1996

Abstract

This article analyzes the production of English-language and Vietnamese-language state-owned newspaper reports that appeared in the early days of the “social evils campaign” in Vietnam in January and February 1996. While the English-language coverage attempts to depict the campaign as an attempt to create a drug-free, able-bodied workforce in compliance with international anti-trafficking efforts, the Vietnamese-language coverage portrays the campaign as an attempt to fight against decadent and corrupt “Western values” in order to reinvent the Vietnamese Communist Party (VCP) as the gatekeeper of Vietnamese tradition. These depictions serve a dual purpose. On the one hand, they can be seen as an attempt by the VCP to walk a fine line to avoid the alienation of the expatriate community while at the same time reconstituting itself as a significant institution in the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese people. At another level, the social evils campaign demonstrates that neither an easy invocation of “democratization theory” nor a call to arms against Eurocentrism and an affirmation of the particularity of the “East” is sufficient to analyze under what conditions purportedly “Communist” parties might survive and grow vibrant in an age of globalization. Rather, it is important to note the role of the West not as an actual entity but as an imagined phenomenon against which a pure, Eastern tradition is constructed. In other words, the Vietnamese Communist Party uses the social evils campaign to construct the “West” as a phantasmic “straw man” in order to construct itself in the inverted image of the “West,” as “anti-West.” This portrayal is put forward despite the fact that most foreign direct investment in Vietnam comes from East Asian countries and that the businesses singled out in the newspaper articles as the locus of “social evils” were often Japanese-, Korean-, or Vietnamese-owned.     

The 2008 Hamburg Bürgerschaftswahl: Birth of a New Coalition Formula

The Hamburg city council election (Bürgerschaftswahl) of 24 February 2008 took place against the background of conflicts within the SPD over its approach toward the Left Party following an inconclusive state election in Hessen in January. The SPD's internal turbulence stems from the breakthrough of the Left Party among electorates in western states, rendering post-election government formation more complex than ever before. The entrance of the Left Party into the Hamburg city council led to the creation of a CDU–Green coalition, the very first time such a Land government has been formed. This report provides an overview on public opinion regarding campaign issues and voting preferences, followed by discussions about the formation and possible implications of the first state-level ‘black–Green’ coalition.     

“Keep Government Out of Business”: Bank Nationalisation,Financial Reform and The Private Trading Banks In The 1930s

During the early 1930s the private trading banks came under sustained attack from sections of the Australian Labor Party and the Country Party, and from supporters of Major C.H. Douglas. Repeated calls for bank nationalisation or “socialisation of credit” or “social credit” heightened tensions within the banks and conservative political circles. In response, the banks secretly funded a nationwide campaign in support of the Lyons government in the lead‐up to the 1934 federal election. While the campaign was successful, the outcome resulted in the establishment of a Royal Commission to investigate the banking sector. The Royal Commission's recommendations and the Lyons government's proposed banking legislation were about providing greater government control of the sector. Opposition from the Bank of New South Wales and its supporters during the late 1930s helped forestall the legislation. The onset of war and, in 1941, initiatives from the federal Curtin Labor government and the National Security (Wartime Banking Control) Regulations ended what was a decade‐long struggle waged by the trading banks against greater government control of the banking sector.     

Debates about Ethnicity,Class and Nation in Allende’s Chile (1970–1973)

In 1964, Salvador Allende signed the ‘Cautín Pact’ with leftist Mapuche organisations in Temuco in which they pledged to support Allende’s presidential campaign and he vowed to introduce important socio‐economic reforms to benefit Mapuche communities and to respect their culture and religion. As has been argued in previous studies, there were limitations to the implementation of these reforms in practice. This article suggests, however, that even so, an important space was opened up for – and by – Mapuche people within the government’s left‐wing nationalist project. This shift was also reflected in the works of intellectuals closely linked to the Unidad Popular.     

Internationalization and democratization interconnected: the Swedish and Finnish parliaments debating membership in the League of Nations in 1920

In the aftermath of the First World War, constitutions of European states were widely democratized and parliamentarized, and similar turns were expected in international relations as a consequence of the creation of the League of Nations. This comparative analysis of Swedish and Finnish parliamentary debates on the League membership focusing on conceptualizations of the national versus international demonstrates how democratization and internationalization merged discursively. This happened to a greater extent than in the British parliament or the First Assembly of the League. Such entanglements followed from the interconnectedness of constitutional and foreign policy questions during preceding disputes on constitutional reform when Britain and Germany had provided competing models, the determination of the ministries to reconfirm national constitutional compromises by joining an international organization of democratic nations, an exceptional possibility for parliamentarians to debate foreign policy and willingness among the leftist oppositions to extend the democratization and parliamentarization of the constitutions to the field of foreign policy. After a turn from German to British political models and under a Bolshevik threat, British internationalist arguments found a positive reception among the Swedish Liberal–Social Democratic coalition and the Finnish bourgeois coalition as well as half of the redefined Finnish Social Democratic Party. Rightist and far-leftist opponents of the League were left to the margins as the membership was used to redefine the polities as internationally oriented democracies.