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1.
Local government throughout Nigeria was reconstituted on a uniform basis in 1976. The 1979 Constitution then empowered state governments to create new local governments. This article describes how the state governments have used their authority to proliferate the number of local governments; it explains the reasons for doing this both on the part of state governments and on that of local communities. The drive to create additional local governments has derived in part from a desire to promote local level development, yet enquiries into the managerial capacity of existing local governments suggest that this expectation will be frustrated.  相似文献   

2.
Onitsha, located along the route that connects south-western and south-eastern Nigeria, has a very financially dynamic local government. Over one-quarter of the total revenues of this local government come from its market and motor parks. This is an unusual source for a local government that has perhaps the largest per capita revenue in Nigeria—almost N40, compared with the national average of N4.9. The procedure for collecting this revenue is regarded as highly successful since there is greater reliance on the citizens than tax officials. The volume of revenues collected has allowed the council maintain a large surplus revenue over a long period of time, which enables it to carry out important programmes of primary and adult education. It is also beginning to develop its property revenue collection system in collaboration with the Anambra State government.  相似文献   

3.
Financial viability has been presented officially as crucial to the success of the sweeping reforms of local government in Nigeria and this article reviews the situation facing the new local government councils four years after the reforms were instituted. It sets the present situation against a background of past trends in which local government was financially dependent on regional and state governments, and subjected to increasingly detailed controls. Reviewing the present continuing dependence on state and federal government for finance, the limited use made of independent revenue bases, and the political and administrative factors militating against financial viability, the article argues that local government cannot escape from the vicious circle of underdevelopment.  相似文献   

4.
Previous fiscal studies have paid little attention to the effects of social interaction on local tax setting. This paper seeks to fill this gap by developing a theoretical model in which politicians belonging to the same party interact with each other in order to draw inferences about ideology. This phenomenon produces a mimic effect which is called the political trend. The results of the analysis show that the political trend gives rise to higher income tax rates and to tax mimicking at the local government level. The framework developed also makes it possible to discriminate between Leviathan-type and welfarist-type politicians. The results show that the former are more sensitive than the latter to changes in the average income tax rate of their peers. Moreover, Leviathan-type politicians are less sensitive than benevolent ones to changes in the central government’s income tax rate.  相似文献   

5.
Government budgets are premised on forecasts of revenues and expenditures. These forecasts are subject to both stochastic error and strategic manipulation. Circumstantial evidence in the budgeting literature and in the popular media suggest that government officials routinely bias the forecasts underlying budgets. The research reported here asked three primary questions: To what extent are budget forecasts systematically biased? Why? (Are fiscal and electoral variables systematically related to the magnitude and direction of the biases?) What political and ethical difference do the biases make? From the literature and an analysis of the incentives facing politicians and bureaucrats, we developed hypotheses about budget biases. These hypotheses were tested using time series data for the City of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (1941–1983); the City of San Diego, California (1950–1982); and the Pittsburgh (Pennsylvania) School District (1946–1983). In these locales over the periods examined, budgets were systematically pessimistic; revenues were underestimated and expenditures were overestimated. The fiscal and electoral factors hypothesized to account for this pessimism are, however, very mixed in their ability to explain the biases.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract.  In Norway, as in the other Nordic countries, sector-based policy making in local government is considered a problem as it is alleged to take place at the expense of a more integrated approach. Inspired by American rational choice theories on committee power, this article first sets out to establish whether the distributive rationale of the present committee system actually does promote sector-orientation among local politicians. This approach is challenged by alternative theories on committee power, focusing on the informational rationale in specialisation and the relevance of partisanship . The findings suggest that all the three theories explain in part committee member' preferences, but partisanship is most important for explaining both spending preferences and preferences on organisational forms. The article goes on to explore whether recent local council reforms, intended to replace the sector-oriented system with strong committees by a new de-specialised system with weaker committees, are likely to curb the effect of sector on committee members' preferences. The conclusion here is not easy to draw, but it is clear that sector-orientation is not encouraged by the reforms; in fact, the opposite seems to be the case. What local councils may have overlooked, however, is the influence of the informational rationale on committees and their members. The analyses are based on data obtained from a random sample of 119 of Norway's 435 municipalities.  相似文献   

7.
The empirical results which have been reported support the hypotheses' implied by the model of rational political behavior set out in Section 2. In pre-election periods, local government development expenditures deviate significantly from their normal levels. The extent of deviation is approximately 20%.Consistent with the predictions of this model, it is found that incumbents not seeking re-election deviated far more in their pre-election discretionary budget expenditure than incumbents seeking re-election. The expenditure gap between the two types of incumbents is large and statistically significant. Incumbents not seeking re-election exhibit a deviation equivalent to 47% of the development budget, while those seeking re-election exhibit a 12% deviation.  相似文献   

8.
One of the most important results of the global reform of local governments in Nigeria in 1976 was to initiate a progressive increase in the amount of monetary transfers to local governments (LGs) by federal and state governments (especially the former). The proportion of federally collected revenues devoted to LGs increased rapidly from less than 2 per cent in 1976 to 15 per cent in 1990. This has enabled Nigerian LGs to play a more visible role in total public expenditures. On the other hand, huge federal transfers have led to sharp declines in absolute and relative terms in locally generated revenues. The two Lagos municipalities are able to generate up to 50 per cent of their total revenues. In contrast, the average for all local governments in the country is 4–5 per cent. The relatively large internal revenue sources in the two Lagos municipalities results in generous surpluses, which they are able to channel into capital development or special project expenditures. The single most important internal revenue source is the property tax, which is not even collected in some other large cities, such as Kano, Ogbomosho and Sokoto.  相似文献   

9.
By analyzing why English local governments have made extensive use of long-term market loans with embedded derivatives, this paper seeks to contribute to the growing literature on local government financialization. Using an original, large-N panel dataset for the period from 1998 to 2014, we show that the configuration of the local political economy is an important driver of financialization processes: a Labour Party majority as well as fiscal and economic stress make it more likely that councils adopt risky financial instruments. As the use of financial innovations has also diffused geographically, policy diffusion impacts local governments as well. Highlighting the conditional effect of finance sector power, which only increases the use of financial innovations in very large councils, as well as the temporal dimension of fiscal and economic stress, we create ample avenues for further research.  相似文献   

10.
Georg Vanberg 《Public Choice》2018,177(3-4):199-216
Democracy and constitutionalism are both central to the Western political tradition. And yet, constitutional restrictions are often perceived to be in tension with democratic commitments. I argue that the constitutional political economy approach developed by Nobel Laureate James Buchanan resolves the tension between constitutionalism and the values of democratic governance by shifting the analysis from a system-attributes perspective that focuses on the particular institutional properties of a political order to a system-legitimacy perspective that focuses on the manner in which political institutions gain democratic legitimacy. In so doing, the approach reveals that constitutionalism can be understood as a natural expression of democratic values.  相似文献   

11.
In 1987 the Indian State of Karnataka implemented panchayat reform legislation. The ideological orientation of the Janata Government's reforms is considered, together with the question of whether stronger local government in India increases the state's autonomy within the federation. The Karnataka reforms are expected to be significantly different from the reforms enacted in other states. Participation by marginalized groups may assist the Janata party in incorporating them into its network of patronage. Local level planning has been made more effective. The legislation gives the zilla parishad control over the line departments of the State Government. Administrative power is likely to experience increased local political direction. However the financial independence of the zilla parishad is by no means assured. The final outcome will also depend upon the attitude towards the reform of the Congress Party, anxious about its power base in the Karnataka countryside.  相似文献   

12.
This paper analyses poor service delivery at local government level, which is attributed to the politicisation of administrative components in municipalities, resulting in poor local governance. The public service delivery system has been perceived as one of the most important ways of reducing poverty through poverty alleviation programmes. As part of the South African government's cooperative system, key stakeholders in municipalities ought to adopt an integrated approach to public service delivery. An integrated approach to public service delivery demands that local municipalities, together with relevant stakeholders, integrate processes and services to ensure effective and efficient service delivery. This ultimately will result in an improved standard of living and sustainable livelihood for communities. With regard to public service delivery, local municipalities have the obligation of creating income opportunities people, especially the poor, with the sole aim of contributing towards poverty reduction and the realisation of the expectations of people, as stated in the South African government's White Paper of transforming public service delivery. The political interface in local municipalities greatly affects effective and efficient administration, as well as growth opportunities. Administrators, therefore, have the important function of ensuring that explicit assignments of objectives and administrative functions are wholly separated from the policymaking activities of government. This paper, therefore, suggests that municipalities adopt the merit system and abandon the spoils system that is highly characterised by political favours and political interferences. Political favours and interferences are dominant in local South African government, and they hinder the process of providing services equally.  相似文献   

13.
This article surveys recent research in constitutional political economy in Europe. Although not all of the works discussed necessarily focus only on European constitutional issues or are written by Europeans, European constitutional issues figure importantly in each area surveyed. The article examines the literatures linking constitutional institutions to economic growth, government size, government deficits and corruption, bicameralism, direct democracy and federalism. Three exclusively European topics also are covered: constitutional issues in the transition countries, the structure of the European Union and the draft constitution for the European Union.  相似文献   

14.
Most people who have worked in the public sector for over a decade have experienced dramatic change in the way they do business. For some, the change has been rapid. Others have been able to hold onto traditional methods. One area of business steeped in tradition is the area of legal services. In the Queensland public sector, current changes in the way in which legal services are provided reflect many of the changes that have already occurred in other business units. We should learn from the experiences of others, tap into the needs of those utilising legal services and reflect upon the importance of those traditional values. This article argues that the time for a comprehensive and transparent review of legal services in the Queensland public sector is now.  相似文献   

15.
Indonesia is a country that implements a democratic political system. As such, the involvement of society in the political process becomes very important. The purpose of this article is to research the democracy and local political participation in Sumedang. The study uses qualitative methods with primary data obtained from field observations and direct interviews of several informants. Additionally, the researchers use secondary data as a complement to the analysis. The results of this study indicate that the community at the local level truly understands the importance of political participation. However, due to disappointment in government performance, a part of the community has become discouraged from participating in the political process conducted by local governments. Several factors hinder efforts to encourage political participation. These include limited access to political aspirations that are still rare and the process of political education that is still low.  相似文献   

16.
It is argued, with reference to urban local government in Zambia, particularly in Lusaka, that recent debates on the form and functions of the national state in Africa may be used to illuminate the working of the urban local state. Available evidence on the class interests represented in the urban local state is reviewed, and these interests and their actions with respect to personal accumulation and political clientelism are found to be similar to those found at the national level. The urban local state in Zambia performs functions similar to those which have been revealed by analyses of other countries, although the nature of these functions, and the extent to which they are successfully performed, is influenced by the political and economic context, the institutional framework and especially the constraints imposed by central government on local autonomy. The changes proposed in the 1980 Local Administration Act are outlined, and a preliminary assessment made of the extent to which they are likely to change the form and functions of the urban local state.  相似文献   

17.
One of the normative models of budgeting prescribed for the Third World countries is PPBS. This paper examines the attempts made by the Nigerian Federal Government to make PPBS part of its budgeting system. Although the idea of PPBS was first highlighted by the 1974 Udoji Public Service Review Commission, it was only in 1980 that a serious attempt was made to start experimenting with PPBS. It was hoped that, by the end of the 1983, PPBS would be fully utilized in all the government ministries and departments. It was the intention of the government to use PPBS to achieve a ‘coordinated and comprehensive’ budgetary system that relates cost with output in order to achieve ‘quick results’ in the implementation of its programme. However, as at the end of 1986, apart from documentary reform (that is improvement in classification of expenditure categories in the budget documents), not much was achieved in Nigeria. In addition to the general difficulties encountered with PPBS in other places where it was tried, the effectiveness of PPBS was circumscribed by a variety of institutional, economic and political factors. The paper concludes by asking whether the exercise was not a retreat from the reality facing the country.  相似文献   

18.
当代大型国家对地方政府的控制机制主要包括行政监督、财政控制、法律规制和政党控制.这其中,财政控制因为适应了地方自治和民主化浪潮的时代发展趋势,并在一定程度上兼顾了政治安全与行政效率,已成为多数成熟国家协调中央与地方关系,增强中央政府控制力的基本手段.财政控制的具体技术手段很多,但核心的手段是转移支付.虽然当前中国地方政府对中央政府的转移支付依赖程度已相当高,但由于现行转移支付制度本身夹杂着过多的政治妥协因素.因此并没有较好的发挥增强中央政府控制力的作用.  相似文献   

19.
20.
In many ways the autonomy of local government in Kenya has declined in the last twenty years. After reviewing the various tendencies towards centralization which can be observed and looking at some of the reforms which have occurred, the current district planning approach, known as the District Focus for Rural Development Strategy, is analysed in order to explore the roles played within it by local government. Policy documents and other official statements are discussed, as are the attitudes of political and administrative leaders. Whilst the new strategy is supposed to bring about greater decentralization, it has led to a continuing reduction of local government autonomy especially for the county councils. However, pessimistic conclusions can not be easily drawn. Local government is not likely to be abolished, the new approach may enable it to play a more effective planning role—even if a less autonomous one—and there are other forms of local participation (especially through community development) which partly compensate for the erosion of formal local government.  相似文献   

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