"9.11"事件后的俄美关系

“9.1 1”事件后 ,俄美关系发生重大改变 ,由于双方互有需要 ,俄美接近已成为不可逆转的发展趋势。但是 ,俄美之间的利益对立和观点分歧难以弥合 ,远未成为伙伴和朋友。执行独立自主的全方位外交政策仍是俄罗斯对外战略的既定方针。     

九一一事件后中亚宗教极端势力的重组

20 0 1年九一一事件之前宗教极端势力在中亚有两个高峰期,表现形式为传播激进思想、制造恐怖事件和进行武装袭击。美国打击塔利班使中亚宗教极端势力遭到重创,之后中亚宗教极端势力分化、重组成“乌兹别克斯坦伊斯兰运动”、伊斯兰解放党、中亚伊斯兰运动和“社会”等组织。本文详细阐述了九一一事件后中亚宗教极端组织的分化与重组,比较分析了九一一事件前后中亚宗教极端势力的变化,并认为,中亚宗教极端势力在向“全球化”、政治化和反西方化的方向进一步发展,是未来中亚国家社会安宁与政局稳定的潜在威胁。     

"9.11"后美国南亚政策的变化

在确定阿富汗塔利班政权为军事打击的目标后,美国对其南亚政策进行了大幅回调,将"扬印抑巴"改为"重巴顾印",在一定程度上扭转了美印关系急剧升温、美巴关系每况愈下的局面.随着反恐战争的进一步深入,如何平衡美印、美巴关系,将是摆在美国面前的棘手问题.     

India,Pakistan and the Legacy of September 11th

While the physical effects of the attacks on the United States and the corresponding 'war on terrorism' seem to be the most direct consequences of September 11th, the most noteworthy consequence is, in fact, the changing world order and the newly emerging concepts of security. India and Pakistan, based on their geography, politics, and domestic experiences, are two key participants to this war on terrorism. By reviewing the regional relationships, economic impacts, and the Kashmir situation since September 11th, it will be possible to see that the success of this new security order in South Asia is contingent on India and Pakistan's cooperation. The leaders of these two countries will have to balance their domestic challenges and the demands of the international community.     

“9·11”后的俄罗斯军事安全战略实践探索

“9.11”事件后,俄罗斯军方针对世界安全形势发生的新变化,对其军事安全战略实践从四大方面做出重大调整,即:研发新一代核武器,确保“现实遏制”的核战略;加速武器装备现代化建设进程;增加学习,提高军队作战指挥能力;加强独联体军事一体化,加强与周边大国的军事交流。但俄罗斯军事安全战略实践调整成功与否最终将取决于俄罗斯综合国力的变化。围绕国际政治问题的外交斗争是以军事力量的强弱决定着胜败。从目前来看,实现俄罗斯的战略目标,既有不少有利条件,也存在现实困难,俄罗斯在实现其军事安全目标的道路上不会一帆风顺。     

Transregional security cooperation after September 11, 2001

The aim of this article is to answer the question what kind of global security architecture emerged after September 11 and what functions Europe, East Asia and the United States assumed in this triadic structure. The empirical findings reveal that the transpacific security cooperation is the strengthening link in this global security structure, the transatlantic security cooperation the weakening one and the Asia–Europe Security Cooperation is to be seen as the emerging link. In order to explain these different institutional manifestations of transregional cooperation, different theories of International Relations are applied to the three cases. It comes as no surprise that neoinstitutionalism and constructivism offer the best insights into the formation and development of international institutions.

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"9.11"事件后的俄美关系

基于两国各自深层次的战略考虑,俄美关系以"9.11"事件为契机,突破冷战结束后长达10年的僵局,建立了全新的长远伙伴关系.但是两国在反恐怖方面的合作不可能消除双方在一系列重大问题上的原有的矛盾和分歧,俄美关系的发展不会是一帆风顺的.     

Southeast Asia after 11 september

Southeast Asia has become the ‘second front’ in the global campaign against terrorism. Former concerns on the part of the United States about the human rights failings of regional regimes have been shelved in order to secure cooperation against supporters of Al-Qaeda, and United States troops have been directly committed to the field in the Philippines. Although there is confirmed evidence of international terrorist activity undertaken by small cells in Southeast Asia, this issue has also served to entrench illiberal regimes and trends. While the US may destroy terrorist groups its strategy may also further undermine democracy in the region, thus contributing to the political and social conditions that are conducive to the emergence of terrorism.     

"9.11"事件后俄罗斯与美欧关系的变化

“9.11”事件后 ,国际政治格局发生急剧变化。普京抓住这一历史机遇 ,及时改善了同美国及北约的关系。但是俄与美欧的迅速接近并不能掩盖双方在美国驻军中亚、削减核武器等重大战略问题上的严重分歧。     

9．11事件后印度的考量

9 11事件后 ,印度立即表示“无条件支持美国反对国际恐怖主义”的立场 ,积极加入国际反恐怖主义联盟。由于美国对印度的反应采取冷淡的态度 ,反而把巴基斯坦作为反恐怖主义的前线国家 ,印度表现出无奈、担扰和愤怒。通过冷静的思索后 ,印度反映出对美国许多的奉劝、呼吁和要求 ,加强多边双边的外交活动。     

Global Intifadah? September 11th and the Struggle within Islam

Against the background of two dominant world order theories - the 'End of History' and the 'Clash of Civilisations' - this article argues that September 11th epitomised two interrelated patterns in world politics: first, the idiosyncrasies and perils of globalisation and second the struggle between different directions in contemporary 'Muslim' politics. The former challenges the traditional view that links globalisation solely to phenomena such as economic integration or the spread of liberal-democratic values, while the latter refers to intra-regional developments in the 'Muslim' world, questioning the characterisation of 'Islam' as a monolithic entity destined to challenge the security of the 'West'. Taken together, these two patterns defy traditional categories of international relations, touching on issues ranging from the role of the state to national security considerations.     

"9·11"后美与中亚诸国关系状况

“9·11”事件发生,特别是美对阿富汗塔利班开战后,中亚地区成为国际反恐怖军事行动的“前沿阵地”,美国的飞机和陆战部队乘机开进乌兹别克斯坦等国。塔利班垮台后的阿过渡政府于2001年12月22日正式理政,阿反恐怖斗争接近尾声,但美及北约国家在中亚的军事存在却有增无已,使该地区的地缘政治格局和势力均衡面临考验。     

9·11事件后的中东经济形势

9·11事件对全球的经济产生了直接或间接的影响。联合国去年10月10日发布报告说，9·11恐怖袭击事件将使2001年世界经济的增长率降低一个百分点，损失达3500亿美元。那么对中东来说，情况是怎样的呢?……     

Does the Clash of Civilisations Paradigm Provide a Persuasive Explanation of International Politics after September 11th?

In the aftermath of the September 11th terrorist attacks it is not unreasonable for scholars of international relations to begin to question whether existing paradigms continue to be of relevance in understanding the structure and process of the international system. This article focuses on Samuel Huntington's clash of civilisations paradigm to determine whether it may provide a more meaningful and persuasive lens to view the world after September 11th, by undertaking a thorough analysis of its underlying assumptions. This paper will argue that the clash of civilisations paradigm suffers from a number of serious weaknesses, particularly in its causal arguments, that undermine its usefulness and relevance to increasing our understanding of international relations generally, let alone international relations after September 11th.     

"9.11"事件后东北亚安全形势与中韩合作

"9.11"事件后,东北亚地区安全形势呈现出总体相对稳定、但隐患依然存在的特征.在这种背景下,加强中韩的全面合作将对维护朝鲜半岛、东北亚地区的安全与稳定具有深远的意义.     

地缘政治的回归与九一一事件后美俄关系的嬗变--以中亚为个案的分析

2001年九一一事件后,美俄关系的一个显著特征就是地缘政治的回归.九一一事件爆发后,俄罗斯一度放弃传统地缘政治观念,与美国进行反恐合作,希望以配合美国反恐战争来换取美俄关系的全面改善.然而,局势的演变使得俄罗斯发现,美国丝毫没有因为俄罗斯的善意而改变自己在地缘上继续挤压、遏制俄罗斯战略空间的政策.地缘政治博弈重新成为美俄关系的主线,而这一点在中亚地区表现得尤为明显.在今后相当长一段时间内,美俄关系的主要内容仍将是两国传统利益,特别是地缘政治利益的继续博弈.这种矛盾冲突只有到美国认为俄罗斯已没有任何可能重新"恢复帝国",而俄罗斯也甘愿满足做一个欧亚大陆腹地的地区大国这么一个角色时才可能告一段落.     

九一一事件后伊朗对阿富汗政策

阿富汗是伊朗的重要邻国,19世纪后,伊朗对阿富汗政策的核心是反对其他大国控制阿富汗.九一一事件后,阿富汗的形势发生了根本性变化;伊朗的地缘政治环境也发生了重大改变.伊朗希望出现一个强大、稳定的阿富汗,为阿富汗国家重建提供了大量援助,加强伊朗与阿富汗之间的经济联系,扩大伊朗在阿富汗的影响.但是,伊朗与美国关系持续紧张和美国与阿富汗的特殊关系又使伊朗对阿富汗政策陷入两难境地.然而,从国家的根本利益出发,无论伊美关系如何变化,伊朗对阿富汗的政策不会发生根本改变,伊阿友好关系将会得到进一步巩固.