G20与国际秩序大变局

G20峰会仓促登场并匆忙机制化,直接导因是全球化背景下第一场金融危机与二战以来最严重的世界经济衰退,但深层根源在于近10余年来尤其是最近5年来世界经济发展态势、国际力量格局、各国发展模式、世界经济关系等方面的巨大变化.全球发展失衡只是这场危机的表象,上层建筑(全球治理机制)与经济基础(世界经济结构)脱节是这场危机的关键.     

二十国集团与全球能源治理的重塑

由于全球能源治理体系的碎片化和冲突性影响了治理的有效性,对其进行系统性改革成为重要的国际政治议题。当前,二十国集团(G20)处于重塑全球能源治理架构的有利位置。G20包含全球主要经济体,其成员既包括能源生产大国又包括主要能源消费国,其能源贸易量占全球的近60%。G20的政治优势在于其将世界主要经济体的领导者联合起来,为共同应对全球性议题提供动力。目前全球能源治理议题日益融入到G20领导人峰会的议程之中,已有一些关于能源问题的工作项目,但大多集中于技术性议题,尚未对全球能源治理体系进行整体分析和通盘考虑,但依然为我们完善该体系提供了机遇。G20应该在领导力建设、针对性政策、绿色发展、大国协调等方面积极行动,努力在全球能源治理中扮演核心角色。     

G20开启了探索全球治理新路径的机会之窗

我主要就两个问题谈谈自己的想法,第一个是G20的缘起及其与国际体系转型问题;另一个问题涉及G20崛起与全球治理的关系,二者都发端于G20的崛起.     

浅析20国集团在全球治理中的角色嬗变

20国集团成立以来,组织运行机制不断完善,议题逐渐调整扩大,地位作用明显提高,业已从全球治理的边缘走向中心,成为国际经济合作的主要平台.20国集团能实现自身角色定位的嬗变,根本原因在于经济全球化的深入发展导致全球性问题层出不穷,各国相互依存加深,传统的以发达国家为重心的全球治理模式失效.发达国家需要发展中国家的合作,尤其需要借重发展中大国的力量以实现有效的全球治理,解决全球性问题.在后金融危机时代,只要国际力量对比继续朝着有利于新兴经济体的方向转变,国际体系的改革进程就不可逆转,20国集团就不大可能重回危机前的那种沉寂状态,但受各种复杂因素影响,其发展前景也存在不确定性.     

The G20 Chair and the Case of the Global Economic Steering Committee

Global and regional summits occur regularly, yet we know little about the factors supporting an effective summit. This article reviews knowledge about the chair, agenda building and prenegotiation preparation within an institutionalised régime, and then turns to our venue, the G20, and our specific case, the 2014 G20 Australian presidency. Through case analysis, we develop a Prenegotiation Framework, identifying tasks and key issues that are usefully addressed during summit preparation. Furthermore, we identify a linked relationship between the chair, their management of prenegotiation planning, the agenda that is adopted and the way in which that agenda determines public perception of the fundamental nature or “identity” of a particular international organisation. Thus, the prenegotiation process can have significant consequences for our understanding of those institutions engaged in global governance. We conclude that data no longer support a characterisation of the G20 as a global crisis committee, as an analysis of G20 Summit agendas demonstrates that it has evolved into a global steering committee. With its identity established, the effectiveness of the G20 as a global steering committee is the key question, while régime continuity and change constitute the real long-term G20 challenge.     

二十国集团在全球治理结构中的角色分析

二十国集团作为国际经济合作的主要平台,要在全球经济治理中发挥核心作用,需要处理好与其他国际机构的关系。二十国集团取代了八国集团在国际经济合作中的地位,并相对明确地划分了各自的议题领域;帮助国际货币基金组织和世界银行筹措资金,推动它们进行配额改革,并取得一定进展;承诺抵制贸易保护主义,推动世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判尽快结束;正努力与联合国建立互利合作的关系。     

The G20 and the G2

Although the G20 has been successful in many ways over the past four years, many problems still beset it. Cooperation and coordination between the G2 (China and the U.S.) will continue to be of key importance to the formation of strong,sustainable and balanced world economic growth and will play a decisive role in ensuring the success of the G20.     

Normative Concepts of Global Distributive Justice and the State of International Relations Theory

The terrorist attacks in September 2001 on the world's most affluent country have highlighted the need to address the increasing disparity between the wealth of different nations. Rather than seeing global distributive justice as a concept non-conducive to their national interest, the affluent states might begin to accept it as an integral part of it, as one of evidently many means to prevent the proliferation of political extremism. This article analyses the role that international relations (IR) theory in its current state can play in this process. Since IR theories purport to explain, and possibly predict, behaviour in settings in which states face problems for which solutions beyond states are required and since global distributive justice is one such problem, it should be reasonable to expect that IR theories provide some answers to these questions. To that end the article critically assesses the major scholarly trends in the field for their ability to accommodate two recently developed normative proposals on global distributive justice put forward by Thomas Pogge and Hillel Steiner. IR theory is found to be inadequate to fulfil the demands usually directed at a theory, in that it fails, firstly, to appreciate the significance of norms in international politics and, secondly, to prescribe and recommend alternatives to policy makers.     

Developing a Situationist Global Justice Theory: From an Architectonic to a Consummatory Approach

Conventional global justice theory expresses a concern for the suffering of individuals around the world, yet very often the experience of those individuals plays little role in the work of theorising global justice. In this paper I argue that global justice has tended to take an architectonic approach in which the theorist orders the world by offering idealised principles of justice that serve as guides to necessary global reforms. This approach draws on a flawed geography of injustice, in which the world is divided into just and orderly regions that must save unjust and disordered regions, while also misunderstanding the causes of injustice. In place of this architectonic approach, I offer a consummatory approach that conceives of justice as a quality of social relationships and which draws on the experience of individuals suffering injustice, using the Grenfell Tower fire as an example. This consummatory approach is then further developed by outlining a situationist global justice theory drawing on the philosophy of John Dewey.     

G20与全球经济治理研究述评

本文对有关G20在全球经济治理中作用的研究进行了述评。既有研究议题包括G20的治理表现、G20的非正式性、G20的合法性、G20的有效性以及G20与其他国际组织的关系,本文对其所做的工作进行了梳理。在此基础上,本文讨论了G20议程设置机理、G20政治共识的形成条件、G20成员如何履行承诺、G20如何与其他国际组织开展合作四个G20与全球经济治理研究议程中有待进一步研究的问题。     

Transnational Networks and Global Environmental Governance: The Cities for Climate Protection Program

The past decade has witnessed a growing interest among scholars of international relations, and global environmental governance in particular, in the role of transnational networks within the international arena. While the existence and potential significance of such networks has been documented, many questions concerning the nature of governance conducted by such networks and their impact remain. We contribute to these debates by examining how such networks are created and maintained and the extent to which they can foster policy learning and change. We focus on the Cities for Climate Protection (CCP) program, a network of some 550 local governments concerned with promoting local initiatives for the mitigation of climate change. It is frequently asserted that the importance of such networks lies in their ability to exchange knowledge and information, and to forge norms about the nature and terms of particular issues. However, we find that those local governments most effectively engaged with the network are mobilized more by the financial and political resources it offers, and the legitimacy conferred to particular norms about climate protection, than by access to information. Moreover, processes of policy learning within the CCP program take place in discursive struggles as different actors seek legitimacy for their interpretations of what local climate protection policies should mean. In conclusion, we reflect upon the implications of these findings for understanding the role of transnational networks in global environmental governance.     

The Theory of Democratic Peace and Threat Perception

President Franklin D. Roosevelt's assessment of Hitler as a potential threat to American security in the aftermath of the Munich crisis highlights the role of liberal-democratic norms in shaping the threat perceptions of democratic leaders. A critical factor in Roosevelt's post-Munich expectation of future trouble for the United States was his judgment that Hitler's contempt for democratic processes of accommodation forecasted unlimited aims. Since Roosevelt did not link his perception of threat to regime type, however, this episode also calls into question a central tenet of the theory of democratic peace: the notion that democracies invariably harbor a "presumption of enmity" toward nondemocracies. Nevertheless, the Munich case allows us to see which democratic norms do matter in threat perception and establishes that they are not simply the epiphenomena of state interests. Moreover, Roosevelt's response to the Munich crisis shows that threat can be assessed primarily on the basis of intentions and suggests how democratic predispositions can provide indicators of intent. Finally, in analyzing why some democratic leaders derive diagnostic information about aggressive intentions from such indicators, while others do not, this article explores the connection between different leaders' perceptions and the foreign policy processes of democratic states.     

G20视角下的沙特与全球经济治理

沙特阿拉伯于20世纪30年代发现石油,自70年代以来,随着石油价格的暴涨和世界石油需求量的猛增,使沙特迅速富有,一跃成为G20成员国,在全球经济治理中占有重要一席。由于沙特经济发展对国际市场和世界经济发展具有极强的依赖性,因此,在未来的全球经济治理中,沙特还会发挥更大的作用和影响力。     

全球治理中跨国倡议网络有效性的条件分析

本文旨在分析跨国倡议网络在全球治理中发挥有效性的条件。作为全球治理的一个重要层次,跨国倡议网络在提出新议程、影响国家政策、建立和传播国际规范等方面发挥了重要作用。本文借鉴社会运动的理论,提出政治机遇结构、动员结构和框定是跨国倡议网络有效性得以发挥的三个重要条件,并以小武器国际行动网络的案例对此进行了验证。     

全球公民社会与国际政治中的正义问题

随着经济全球化在社会各方面的展开,全球正义逐渐成为学术界全球范围内的话题.通过剖析思想家们对于全球正义的理论和逻辑,我们发现,对全球正义的理解必须从历史演变的社会生产和交往结构中去加以说明,全球正义是历史的正义体系.在全球化背景下,全球公民社会的发展是理解未来全球正义秩序实现的关键.因此,在全球公民社会创造的平台上,积极推进全球政治民主化,谋求实现全球正义,是当今时代的一个极其重要的历史任务.     

The Practice of Deliberative Democracy: A Study of 16 Deliberative Organizations

This article investigates 16 organizations that attempt to foster better public deliberation in local and national communities. It develops a typology of these organizations and discusses them in the context of the scholarly literature on deliberative democracy. It particularly focuses upon the contributions these organizations may make to debates within the literature between advocates of relational and rational modes of deliberation. It finds that, much like the literature, practitioners of deliberative democracy wrestle with the competing demands of inclusiveness and group cohesion. Organizations attempt to solve this dilemma by stressing group action. However, this emphasis on action raises another dilemma associated with the relation between deliberative and representative models of politics. The essay concludes by suggesting that these organizations have accepted the challenge of improving public life through discourse that has been laid down by deliberative democratic theory. As such, they represent a natural experiment in deliberative democracy that deserves the serious attention of the scholarly community.     

二十国集团的角色转型与法国戛纳峰会展望

在后危机时代,二十国集团(G20)需要从一个危机应对机制转变为全球经济指导委员会.在此过程中,G20面临着成员国利益分歧加大、世人对其信心下降、合法性不足、缺乏执行力、议题拓展等一些问题.作者在分析G20角色转型所面临的这些问题的基础上,给出了短、中、长三个阶段的目标,并据此对法国戛纳峰会的前景进行了展望.作者认为,大国之间的协调和合作,以及成员国之间的妥协是G20顺利转型的关键.