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1.
随着经济全球化朱空入发展 ,新自由主义从学术研究论坛上的一种普通流派 ,发展成为很多国家经济和社会实践的理论指导 ,对这些国家的发展产生了重大影响 ,引起世人的广泛关注。目前 ,当人们对拉美国家经济改革的成败得失进行评判时 ,新自由主义自然成为重点分析的对象。近来 ,本刊陆续发表了有关拉美新自由主义的文章 ,引起不少讨论和争鸣。为将讨论进一步引向深入 ,特出本专辑 ,邀请专家笔谈 ,各抒己见。  相似文献   

2.
一 危机与反思2 0 0 1年年底阿根廷发生的危机是经历了一个长期的酝酿过程。 1 998年下半年 ,受东亚和俄罗斯金融危机的影响 ,阿根廷在国际金融市场的借贷条件显著恶化 ,筹资成本大幅度提高。这严重恶化了阿根廷经济本身存在的各种问题。因本币升值造成相对价格扭曲 ,国际竞争力显著下降 ;国际收支失衡状况加重 ;消费和生产指数持续下降 ;税收萎缩 ,财政收支状况恶化 ,公共债务剧增 ,偿债能力严重削弱 ,经济陷入衰退。而紧缩性调整政策进一步加剧了经济衰退。 1 999~ 2 0 0 1年 ,经济下降幅度分别为 3.4%、0 .8%和 4.5 %。2 0 0 1年 1 1月…  相似文献   

3.
20世纪 80年代初 ,在拉美掀起了一场新自由主义改革。在改革的进程中 ,拉美经历了短暂的低速经济增长之后 ,又陷入了“失去的”状态。一 拉美新自由主义改革的三个亮点  智利最早于 1 973年开始改革 ,其他拉美国家基本上在 80年代开始改革。在 2 0~ 30年的改革历程中 ,拉美地区出现了三个改革的亮点 ,即智利、阿根廷和墨西哥。智利是改革的“先锋”,成绩也最好 ,经济一直保持快速增长 ,稳健的金融体系成功地抵御了数次金融危机的冲击 ,养老金体制改革促进了金融部门的发展 ,稳定了经济和社会。但是 ,认真分析智利的改革 ,可发现许多非“…  相似文献   

4.
The strong public support for displays of Maori culture since the mid-1980s in New Zealand under biculturalism appears paradoxical. Cultural values of respect for tradition, community, hierarchy, and attachment to place are promoted abroad and incorporated into public institutions at home at the same time as neoliberal economic policies emphasize individualism, self-reliance, rational behavior, and mobility. This article argues that Maori cultural practices supply the values of communal belonging and solidarity that were previously associated by the public with the New Zealand state. Thus, they support a postmodern conception of national identity and guarantee the legitimacy of the neoliberal state.  相似文献   

5.
20世纪90年代以来,拉美国家进行了新自由主义改革,经历了重大的社会转型,智利和阿根廷是其中两个不同的典型。智利因结合本国国情而进行的有选择性的改革获得成功,由拉美的“无名小卒”跃升为近10年来拉美发展最快和最稳定的国家;阿根廷则因一味地按“外来处方”进行“最彻底的”改革,反而一度陷入严重的危机,从拉美“最发达的国家”沦落为“无足轻重”的角色。智利和阿根廷的经验与教训,具有一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

6.
This article seeks to explain why most Latin American countries have expanded market-oriented reforms since the 1980s despite their generally disappointing economic results. To explain deepening liberal economic reform, we test panel data for 15 Latin American countries from 1980 to 1995, using Beck and Katz' panel-corrected standard errors regression. Controlling for several competing explanations, we find that, except under fragmented party systems, high inflation promotes the expansion of economic reforms. We then show how our results are consistent with Weyland's (1996) use of prospect theory as well as Rodrik's (1994) work on the distributional effects of high inflation.  相似文献   

7.
20世纪80年代以来,与新自由主义的全球化发展相伴,日本制定和实施了具有浓厚新自由主义色彩的城市政策,主要包括通过构建城市重构联盟1,调整城市治理机制;放松城市管制,强调效率优先,引导民营企业参与城市建设投资;改革社会福利制度等。本文通过分析认为,日本新自由主义城市政策的核心,就是强调在城市的开发建设中要减少政府干预、放松管制,给资本和市场松绑,更多地为自由市场力量的发挥创造空间。  相似文献   

8.
主要观点 20世纪70年代中期,智利接受了新自由主义经济理论的基本观点,开始进行新自由主义的经济改革.在改革过程中,政府强调"把生产资源配置交给市场,把加速经济增长的主要任务交予积极性"的原则,并力图通过"价格自由化"、"金融自由化"和"国企私有化"来建立起"自由市场经济".经过20多年的实践,智利的改革取得了明显的成效,但同时也付出了昂贵的社会代价.  相似文献   

9.
ABSTRACT

The conventional wisdom that religious conflicts are more intense than other types of conflicts is tested in this study using a cross-sectional time series analysis. The statistical test evaluates the intensity of 278 territorial conflict phases in the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo, Norway (PRIO) Armed Conflict Dataset. The results indicate support for the assumption that religious conflicts are more intense than other types of conflicts; however, the relationship disappears when the relevance of religion is taken into account. Furthermore, this study evaluates the relationship of conflict intensity with the type of religion involved in the conflict and determines that no religion exhibits a significantly higher or lower intensity than the others.  相似文献   

10.
This article compares constructivism and neoliberal institutionalism and argues that in their reification as paradigms in competition, the IO theoretical community is making far too much of what are relatively small differences between them in the metatheoretical scheme of things. These claims are substantiated by comparing functionalism, neo-functionalism, neoliberal institutionalism, and constructivism. Such an examination reveals that they all depend on the same mechanism of functional institutional efficiency in order to account for social change. Thus when constructivism has been utilized as an explanation for change and transformation, it has tended to reach many of the same conclusions, and in the same manner, as other variants of liberal IR theory. In addition, this comparison reveals that, despite its assumption of exogenous interests, neoliberal institutionalism relies implicitly on an identity transformation in order to account for cooperation's maintenance. Such a transformation is entirely consistent with constructivist expectations. The choice between neoliberal institutionalism and constructivism is not paradigmatic and is merely a choice between explaining short-term, behavioral cooperation in the moment or its development into communal cooperation in the future. The article concludes with some general observations regarding why this parallel has occurred and what its implications are for our understanding of IO.  相似文献   

11.
The Islamic State’s conquest of swathes of Iraqi territory, combined with falling oil prices, revealed the fault lines of a model of economic development that made the country extremely vulnerable to the events of 2014. Over the last 13 years, the consolidation of the rentier economy in parallel to the promotion of a neoliberal model – a neoliberal rentier system – has not initiated a process of sustainable economic development. The main factors explaining this missed opportunity can be found in the tensions that exist between the two models and, in particular, between the relative roles of the state and the private sector as drivers of economic development.  相似文献   

12.
华人从中国移居到马来西亚,除随身携带的少许物资之外便是传统文化、风俗信仰及人文精神。他们将中华文化注入日常生活中,并扎根于马来西亚,成为该国多元文化的一部分。华人文化也在实践的过程中得以创新。  相似文献   

13.
本文对在进口替代和自由贸易模式下的墨西哥农业和食品业的生产和对外贸易进行了比较,并对相应阶段农业和食品业的技术创新能力进行了研究和分析.结果显示:进口替代时期生产能力和技术能力的积累要快于结构调整和自由贸易时期;目前墨西哥农业和食品业生产能力和技术水平薄弱的一个重要原因是政府依然实施的是进口替代时期的技术政策,而这一政策和变化了的技术环境及竞争形势产生了冲突.在以上研究的基础上,本文最后提出了对中国农业和食品业发展的建议.  相似文献   

14.
Why the First World War ended in 1918 and not earlier remains a major puzzle. We propose a new theory that emphasizes how honor prolongs wars beyond what rationalist theories can explain. It argues that when honor is insulted, an affronted actor will strive to punish the offender. Absent an apology, the pursuit of a satisfactory punishment leads the affronted belligerent to ignore unfavorable battlefield information, hold logically irreconcilable beliefs, process information in emotional terms, and obsess over status. We predict that wars of prevention and territorial occupation are most likely to elicit honor considerations. We test our argument against an obscure episode in the war where Germany and the United States made peace overtures in December 1916. We demonstrate that honor concerns made Entente decision makers see German aggression as an affront to their honor that only the destruction of Germany's political regime could redress.  相似文献   

15.
The process of economic transnationalization and liberalization that has accelerated in recent years has a corollary in the political sphere. One of the political areas that has been transformed under neoliberalism is the organization and management of election campaigns. Political consultants from the United States and other leading industrialized states have been hired as campaign managers or experts in elections held in Russia, Israel, Britain, Germany, Mexico, Argentina, Canada, and a host of other countries. Part of this newly transnationalized electioneering mode involves the employment of specialists from the commercial sector who are skilled in the use of new communication and information/media technologies and techniques and in modern fund-raising methods. Encouraged and supported by increasing corporate financing, campaign managers have begun to standardize and make greater media spectacles of the process of electing a nation's political representatives, using campaigning styles and procedures that largely originated in the United States. A weakening of political parties and citizen activism in the formal political process and a deemphasis on major governing issues are among the changes observed, along with greater attention given to voter surveillance and profiling, opposition research, focus groups and polling, symbolic manipulation, and media-oriented construction of candidate personalities.  相似文献   

16.
Building on the recent re-discovery of the Iranian Revolution, this analysis examines the policies of the Carter Administration and their effects on Iran and the Iranian opposition. Starting with Jimmy Carter's election and hopes for a new era in American–Iranian relations, there occurred the progressive creation and expansion of a rift between the Carter Administration and the Iranian opposition. This rift was exacerbated by stubborn American support for an increasingly weak Shah, and by the complete unwillingness, both in Washington and at the American Embassy in Tehran, to meet with opposition members, let alone with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. In this sense, the horizon of the analysis of the origins of the Iran hostage crisis is expanded with a longer-term perspective. The taking of the hostages represented the final act of a troubled relationship that had probably begun before Carter took office.  相似文献   

17.
从总体上看,苏共拥有的合法性资源主要有共产主义意识形态、制度规章、统治的有效性和领袖魅力等方面的内容。这些合法性资源都曾经为巩固苏共的执政地位发挥过重要作用,但曾经拥有,并不等于永远拥有。事实上,要想保持苏共的执政地位,就必须保持合法性资源的再生产,以源源不断地获得执政的合法性。然而,在苏共执政过程中,它所拥有的合法性资源的再生产能力却逐渐下降乃至最终丧失了,这成为苏共败亡的根源。  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This article offers a constructive critique of Fehl and Freistein's argument that international organisations (IOs) significantly affect international stratification, either producing, reproducing or transforming inequality. It suggests that without reference to the specific purposes which individual IOs pursue and the forces driving global change, it is impossible to predict either when the goals of IOs and states might diverge, or when a particular IO might promote the reproduction of inequality on the one hand, or its transformation on the other. In particular, divergence between states on the one hand and IOs charged with the management of the global economy on the other is explained by the fact that the IOs concerned are committed to the reproduction of capital on a global scale, and therefore to the continuous transformation of global hierarchies. The argument is supported by a case study of IO support for China's Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).  相似文献   

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