Targeted killing: a ‘dirty hands’ analysis

This paper examines the policy of targeted killing from a moral perspective and defends the possibility that under certain circumstances it is paradoxically both morally justified and morally reprehensible. Governments and their agents who authorize and partake in a policy of targeted killing end up, at best, with ‘dirty hands’ – they do wrong in order to do right. When faced with intractable moral conflicts/dilemmas, politicians and military strategists are forced to choose between lesser evils, rather than between good and bad options. Consequently, supporters and critics of the policy of targeted killing, those who in turn argue that such actions are either entirely justifiable or to be unequivocally condemned, fail to grasp properly the moral complexities of such situations. The paper examines the highly controversial targeted killing of Salah Shehada by the Israel Defence Forces in 2002 to illustrate the complexities and insights of a dirty hands analysis.     

Policy analysis for local government

This paper considers the impact of quality approaches within the personal social services over the last decade. In particular it examines how applicable private sector approaches to quality, such as Total Quality Management, are in the public and personal social services. Both the hard and soft tools of Total Quality Management are critically considered in terms of their relevance and ability to modernise service provision. In the context of the managerial discourse presently dominating the public sector, it is argued that the hard tools of Total Quality Management, such as performance measurement and review, will only add to managerial control; whilst the soft tools of empowerment and cultural change will lose their critical effect. It is the contention of this paper that unless the current Labour government's Modernising Services Policy succeeds in democratising the process of developing quality then it will only add to the managerial agenda at the expense of improving service provision.     

Managing the contract: A transaction cost analysis of externalisation

This paper examines the externalisation of the London Borough of Ealing's Technical Services Group between 1994 and 1999, the first local government Technical Services function to be externalised as a whole. The case is discussed in the light of transaction cost theory from economics. The study illustrates the difficulties that arise under local authority competitive tendering where the parties enter into an incomplete contract and rely on mutual goodwill to adjust the contract terms later. The study confirms that transaction costs can be pervasive in local government contracting.     

The Forgotten Pirates: Iraqi and Iranian Pirates in the Arabian Gulf Who Have Never Been Reported to the International Maritime Bureau

If piracy attacks are unreported, a misleading impression is given of piracy situations in regions where there could be serious consequences for ships traveling in waterways on the assumption that they are piracy-free waters. However, sometimes not reporting piracy attacks could help to contain piracy before it expands, because reporting can lead to the media over-focusing on piratical incidents, and armed guards being deployed on ships, which causes pirates to use heavier arms and escalates the level of conflict. Piracy that took place during 2003–2012 in the north and the center of the Arabian Gulf has never been reported to the International Maritime Bureau. The present article examines this case of unreporting, and discusses its causes and consequences.     

Fighting Transnational Insurgents: The South African Defence Force in Namibia, 1966–1989

Transnational insurgents are a common feature of contemporary wars, but research on how to address this problem is still scarce. This article examines the South African Defence Force's (SADF) counterinsurgency against Namibian transnational insurgents. It concludes that the South African forces focused a large amount of their efforts outside the borders of Namibia. Highly coercive operations in Angola and Zambia created the space for hearts and minds activities in Namibia, as well as forcing neighboring states to end their support for the insurgents. Although the war in Namibia is somewhat different from contemporary wars, SADF's cross-border strategy gives us some important insights into the regional dynamics of civil wars.     

The ISI Reaches East: Anatomy of a Conspiracy

Operations in India by Pakistan's intelligence agency, Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), have primarily been confined to Kashmir, where it actively aids and abets militant organizations. A larger game plan of the ISI has come to light in India's north eastern region with Assam - with its sizeable Muslim population - becoming the primary target of the agency. It is seeking to create trouble in the state by way of direct aid to the separatist organizations there. Although it is not altogether certain whether Pakistan has any territorial designs in that part of India (the state of Assam geostrategically borders Bangladesh, which broke away from Pakistan in 1971) it is evidently becoming clearer that the ISI wishes to set many a "prairie fire" in the area in order to tie down Indian troops from their primary role in Kashmir and elsewhere.     

In defense of the realm: Financing loyalist terrorism in Northern Ireland—part one: Extortion and blackmail

The revival of loyalist terrorism has been one of the most important developments in Northern Ireland in the 1990s. This article examines the recent fund‐raising activities of the two main loyalist paramilitary groups, the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). The article focuses particularly on the financial importance of extortion and blackmail to the groups in the 1990s. It also explores how the loyalist paramilitaries have responded, as organizations, to the constant need for funds, a need that has continued unabated since both groups implemented cease‐fires in 1994. The paper concludes that because of internal arrangements, the loyalist groups are consistently risking the spread of corruption among their most senior members.     

A New Posture of International Arms Control and Disarmament

About one year on,international arms control and disarmament appeared to be rebounding to become an issue of great international attention,paralleling the issues of financial crisis and climate change.International nuclear disarmament re-dawned with high profile readjustments by the United States in its nuclear arms control policy and tactics.The US and Russia signed a new agreement of bilateral nuclear disarmament.Multilateral nuclear arms control has also softened,and the nuclear security issue loomed large.The Conference on the Review of Nuclear Non-proliferation was held,the main illustration of the adjustment by the US to its arms control policy and tactics.On balance,however,the US arms control and disarmament policies remain largely rhetorical,as its two strategic objectives of nuclear weapon policy--nuclear deterrence and non-proliferation--has been kept intact,and even intensified.     

The Case of Nord-Ost: Dubrovka and the Search for Answers

The paper reviews the experience of the group Nord-Ost (The Regional Social Organisation for Assistance and Defence of the Victims of Terrorist Acts) as an example of an NGO that has taken a rights advocacy position which has led it into confrontation with the state. Nord-Ost demands the state's accountability for the consequences of its response to the 2002 Dubrovka terrorist attack. Thus, it confronts challenges common to other rights advocacy groups in Russia today.     

核武器与冷战时期美国对苏联的政策

冷战时期,作为维护国家安全的重要工具,核武器在美国对苏联的政策中发挥了重要作用。美国政府不仅在战后初期坚持核保密政策,而且还多次利用核武器对苏联施加压力,以迫使其在政治上和外交上做出让步,并制定了一系列针对苏联的核作战计划。与此同时,为了保持对苏联的核优势地位,对苏联构成有效的威慑,美国政府不断加强核力量的建设,使得美苏之间的核军备竞赛愈演愈烈,并使双方走到了核战争的边缘,从而使得美苏决策者都认识到,限制核军备竞赛对双方至关重要,美苏关系也由此进入了相对缓和的时期。及至20世纪70年代,限制战略武器谈判成为美国对苏政策的重要内容。     

Budgetary Impacts of third world arms production

One of the more intriguing empirical findings in recent years is evidence that a number of Third World economies experience a positive relationship between military expenditures and overall rates of economic growth. While this result has been found in a number of individual studies, no satisfactory explanation has been put forth - presumably defense expenditures have both positive spin-offs, tending to support growth, and a number of negative aspects such a crowding out of private sector investment which tend to reduce overall growth. It is something of a tautology therefore to argue that those countries experiencing net positive benefits from defense expenditure simply have an environment where the net positive effects predominate. The purpose of this paper is to show that Third World arms producers differ considerably in terms of budgetary priorities from their non producer counterparts. More importantly it can be demonstrated that differences in budgetary priorities between these two groups of countries is consistent with the fact that arms producers tend to obtain net positive benefits from military expenditures while non-producers find their overall rates of growth declining with increased allocations to defense.     

Legitimising liberal militarism: politics,law and war in the Arms Trade Treaty

Post-cold war efforts to knit together human rights and international humanitarian law in pursuit of tougher arms transfer control reached their apogee in the UN Arms Trade Treaty (ATT). In contrast to dominant accounts based on human security norms, I argue that a key effect of the ATT is to legitimise liberal forms of militarism. During negotiations the US and UK governments justified their arms export practices in terms of morality, responsibility and legitimacy. More broadly their arms transfer practices are explained away by reference to national regulatory regimes that exceed the standards set out in the ATT. Arms transfers to Egypt and intra-Western transfers illustrate the way these justifications and regimes serve to shield US–UK weapons transfers and use from scrutiny and accountability. Rather than signalling the victory of human security, the ATT is better understood as facilitating the mobilisation of legitimacy for contemporary liberal forms of war fighting and war preparation.     

Propaganda and the Question of Criminal Intent; the Semantics of the Zachistka

This article seeks to explore the origins and evolution of zachistka (‘cleansing’) and the particular role it played in the second Chechen war of 1999–2005. It argues that zachistka has become part of state, military and media representations of violence, building a psychological environment in favour of war. The article seeks to understand how the propaganda of the Russian Ministry of Defence might have contributed to the perpetuation of war crimes or incitement to atrocity crimes in the region.     

ADMINISTRATIVE REORGANIZATION AND POLICY CHANGE: THE CASE OF HER MAJESTY'S INSPECTORATE OF POLLUTION

Environmental protection nowadays is a major issue of policy and administration. It is well recognized that an effective approach to pollution control requires it to be integrated, but UK governments have been slow to respond to this need. The creation of a new unified pollution inspectorate in England and Wales must be set in the context of a general transition in British pollution control practice, where the incorporation of more formal procedures is taking place within a tradition of emitter self-policing, client-regulator mutual respect, and regulatory adaptability. This article examines the circumstances that led to the formation of the new pollution inspectorate and considers the challenges that it faces.     

Senior Public Managers’ Engagement: A Person–Situation-Interactionist Perspective

This article examines the engagement of senior public managers by developing a person–situation-interactionist perspective. It integrates the literature on social exchange theory and person–organization fit to explore the effects of decision autonomy and shared vision on the engagement of more than 2,000 senior public sector managers in the central government agencies of three continental European countries: France, Germany, and The Netherlands. Then, it examines whether the locus of control of those managers moderates the decision autonomy–engagement and shared vision–engagement relationships. The structural equation modeling results suggest that there are positive relationships between both decision autonomy and shared vision and employee engagement. Further analysis revealed that an internal locus of control strengthened the decision autonomy–engagement relationship, but that it weakened the shared vision–engagement relationship.     

The Difficulties and Dilemmas of International Intelligence Cooperation

Stéphane Lefebvre is a former Strategic Analyst at the Canadian Department of National Defence and a former Marcel Cadieux Policy Planning Fellow at the Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade. The views expressed here are the author's and do not necessarily reflect the views of any governmental or nongovernmental organizations with which he is or has been affiliated. An earlier version of this article was presented at the Colloque Renseignement et Sécurité internationale, Laval University, Quebec City, Canada, on 20 March 2003.     

European Union anti-piracy initiatives in the Horn of Africa: linking land-based counter-piracy with maritime security and regional development

Piracy off the coast of Somalia has resulted in a steady decline in trade through the Arabian Sea and higher costs of doing business for multiple world regions. The EU has responded to the threat with a large-scale anti-piracy operation in the Horn of Africa, which constitutes the first free-standing Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military operation that is not entirely dependent on North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) planning and assets. The operation is designed to interdict Somali piracy operations across the Gulf of Aden and to keep some of the world’s busiest sea lanes open for reasons of world trade. This article argues that the EU preoccupation with military solutions to the piracy problem, based on interventions through the Somali federal government with an emphasis on security, is insufficient because it fails to address the underlying causes of piracy and misunderstands the Somali socio-cultural-security nexus and the need for practical longer term land-based approaches to development. The reduction of Somali piracy activities can be linked to this increased military response capacity as well as to increased security precautions undertaken by shipping companies, but none of these strategies has succeeded in dismantling piracy networks. They therefore offer only a temporary and costly stopgap measure.     

Political board’s contribution to strategic management: a case study

This study examines the support, control and strategic functions of an executive hospital political board from the perspective of how institutionalised internal procedures influence board functions. Board members and leading hospital managers were interviewed about politicians’ ways of working, managers’ preparation of decision issues and board work under the presidency model. The politicians strengthened the decision-making processes by requesting additional supporting documents, and by defending the hospital from public criticism. However, the board exercises weak strategic and control functions; it absorbs the responsibilities of the hospital managers and the upper political levels as it reaffirms its executive authority. Nonetheless, the study suggests that abolishing or replacing the board with a non-political board may not improve organisational governance. The study gives insights in politicians’ contribution to strategic public management, an aspect lacking in existing literature.