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1.
Anna orrnert 《公共行政管理与发展》2006,26(5):449-455
Institutional development has become a core component of international development programmes. Yet, institutional reforms have, to date, had a disappointing impact on poverty reduction in the South. The causality of the links between institutions and poverty reduction and how exactly the institutional environment and development outcomes affect each other is still unclear. A lack of analytical consensus has resulted in vague policy recommendations and a dearth of clear operational guidelines for international development practitioners. This article provides an overview of the main current institutional development debates and gaps in existing research, and identifies some key organisations working on institutional issues in the academic and practitioner spheres. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
2.
This article presents an original model of policy making by multiparty coalitions at the international level. Specifically, it analyses how domestic institutions serve parties in enforcing policy compromises onto national ministers negotiating legislation in the European Union (EU). In contrast to existing research on coalition politics, the model accounts for the benefits of not only legislative but also executive institutions and incorporates opposition parties as pivotal actors under minority governments. Ministers propose policy positions at the EU level that represent domestic coalition compromises when cabinet participation, executive coordination and parliamentary oversight of EU affairs make it cheap for coalition partners to challenge the minister's position and when ideological divisiveness increases the incentive to do so. Statistical analyses of 1,694 policy positions taken by ministers from 22 member states in the Council of the EU provide strong empirical evidence for the model. The results support the claim of executive dominance in EU policy making but also highlight that, where institutions are strong, ministers represent domestic coalition compromises rather than their own positions. 相似文献
3.
ABSTRACTInstitutions undertake a huge variety of constitutive purposes. One of the roles of legitimacy is to protect and promote an institution’s pursuit of its purpose; state legitimacy is generally understood as the right to rule, for example. When considering legitimacy beyond the state, we have to take account of how differences in purposes change legitimacy. I focus in particular on how differences in purpose matter for the stringency of the standards that an institution must meet in order to be legitimate. An important characteristic of an institution’s purpose is its deontic status, i.e. whether it is morally impermissible, merely permissible, or mandatory. Although this matters, it does so in some non-obvious ways; the mere fact of a morally impermissible purpose is not necessarily delegitimating, for example. I also consider the problem of conflicting, multiple, and contested institutional purposes, and the different theoretical roles for institutional purpose. Understanding how differences in purpose matter for an institution’s legitimacy is one part of the broader project of theorizing institutional legitimacy in the many contexts beyond the traditional context of the state. 相似文献
4.
Two new studies challenge the prevailing consensus that proportional representation (PR) systems produce greater ideological congruence between governments and their citizens than majoritarian ones. This has led to what has become known as the ‘ideological congruence controversy’. G. Bingham Powell claims to resolve this controversy in favour of PR systems. Specifically, he argues that the results from the two new studies are based on an anomalous decade and that PR systems generally do produce greater government congruence. In addition, he also asserts that PR systems exhibit less variability in government congruence. In this article, the empirical evidence for these two claims is re‐evaluated using exactly the same data as employed by Powell. The analysis indicates that although PR systems produce better and more consistent representation in the legislature, they do not hold an advantage when it comes to representation at the governmental level. 相似文献
5.
刘小康 《北京行政学院学报》2012,(2):1-4
新一轮事业单位改革中,行政类事业单位面临"不得突破政府机构限额和编制总额",即在"两个不突破"的约束性条件下,实现"行政职能回归"的艰巨挑战。但是,在"两个不突破"的约束性条件下,行政类事业单位不能完全实现"行政职能回归";即使放宽"两个不突破"的约束性条件,某些法律、法规授权或者法律、法规委托的行政类事业单位,也不能以行政机构的方式回归。行政类事业单位既然长期存在,又符合"分散化公共治理"的趋势,不如重新界定事业单位,在事业单位法人类型下涵盖行政类事业单位,通过法定机构或执行机构的方式改革行政类事业单位,实现政府决策职能和执行职能的相对分离与相互制约,是行政类事业单位改革一个值得考虑的路径。 相似文献
6.
Justin Gest 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(5):535-552
Theories of participation and non-participation are largely unable to capture and distinguish anti-system behavior, which ranges from deliberate silence to political violence. To better understand and measure these diverse forms of citizen participation, and to distinguish these from forms of alienation and marginalization, this article builds a new model of anti-system behavior in a way that facilitates the development of empirically observable variables and hypotheses. To do so, I draw upon sociological approaches to alienation – which examine intensities of rebellion and contestation – and combine them with the standard political scientific approach – which examines intensities of engagement based on resources. The problem, I argue, is that each approach only partially explains the motivations behind aberrant political behavior in modern democratic systems; they are in fact two sides of the same coin. I consider three cases of apparent silent citizenship: Muslims in Western Europe, Roma in Eastern Europe, and white working-class people in North America and Europe. 相似文献
7.
王焕婷 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2014,(6):57-64
过失实行行为的本质在于制造并实现不被容许的风险。对过失实行行为客观不法的认定,应坚持结果回避义务对行为是否制造了不被容许的风险判断的决定作用;结果回避的不可能性导致结果回避义务的无效性;当法益侵害结果的发生不在注意规范保护目的范围内时,应否定过失实行行为的存在;行为人违反结果回避义务制造并实现了不被容许的风险方能将结果归责于行为人;风险升高理论是对违反结果回避义务行为与不法结果在无法确证因果关系时仍应予以客观归责的补强;容许的风险和风险分配理论仅具有在立法层面对结果回避义务的规定起理论支撑作用,在司法适用上并无有价性,而作为两者下位规则的信赖原则,实际亦是一个无用的规则。 相似文献
8.
哲学的实践转向,根本上是实践观的时代性转轨。只有确立诸因素多维度、大时空、全方位的互为目的、手段、中介的大实践观,发掘实践信息的综合现实意义和多维交叉促动的超循环现实超越意蕴,才能使非现实超越的逻格斯思辨失去形而上学的根基。英美分析哲学,在所指客观主义和“家族相似”、“本体承诺”的相对主义之间的二难说明:以实践信息为语言奠基,拓展语境观为大实践视野,已经成为语言问题上的时代哲学必然! 相似文献
9.
There is a wide‐spread perception among academics and commentators that institutional dysfunction has become increasingly common in important social, political, and economics arenas. Opinion polls show a decline in trust and confidence in major actors and institutions, including inter‐governmental organizations, governments, firms, NGOs, and religious organizations. For some, the core of the problem is that the hitherto well‐functioning states have become less effective in aggregating and acting upon citizens' preferences. Many policy initiatives of the 1990s – deregulation, privatization, new public management, private regulation, regional integration, civil society, and so on – seemed to have failed to meet expectations. This symposium seeks to identify important theoretical and empirical questions about institutional failure, such as why do institutions fail, why are they not self‐correcting, what might be a clear evaluative yardstick and analytic approach by which to measure performance, and to what extent contemporary theories of institutional evolution and design are useful in examining institutional restructuring and institutional renewal? Symposium essays by leading social science scholars offer important insights to inform future work on institutional performance and outline an agenda for institutional renewal and change. 相似文献
10.
Abstract The appraisal practices of the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) and its Residential Security Maps are often cited as major contributors to later redlining and the perpetuation of segregation through unequal access to mortgage credit. This article focuses on whether there was a relationship between the HOLC's neighborhood assessments and mortgage outcomes. Our results indicate that the agency was clearly instrumental in restructuring the home finance system and permitting far greater access to homeowner‐ship, but it is important to consider other factors in examining the HOLC's legacy in the reshaping of the mortgage market and the operation of the financial sector after the Great Depression. Specifically, the issue of increasing segregation in older cities in the late 20th century remains inextricably linked to both the shifting nature of real estate finance after the HOLC era and the demographic, economic, and residential changes affecting U.S. cities. 相似文献
11.
David Owen 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2013,16(3):326-343
How should we conceive and address the position of migrants in receiving states? The argument offered here presents an account of this position in terms of civic marginalization, that is, marginalization relative to the norm of the national citizen. Two dimensions of civic marginalization are distinguished. First, marginalization with respect to the status of national citizenship which is addressed in terms of the issue of whether specific kinds of migrants should be entitled to access to national citizenship, and what, if any, conditions governing such access are justifiable. Second, marginalization with respect to the rights and duties of the national citizen, which is addressed in terms of the rights to which specific types of migrant are entitled and the duties which can be demanded of them as well as the duties of the state towards them. Distinguishing these two dimensions also helps to bring into focus their interaction with one another by demonstrating that whether, and under what conditions, a migrant has access to national citizenship is normatively consequential for their rights and duties and the duties of the state towards them. The argument also offers methodological reflections on approaching this topic and draws attention to the strengths and limitations of its own methodological strategy. 相似文献
12.
The Federal Housing Administration (FHA) deserves considerable credit for helping support the housing market during the recent financial crisis by increasing its own market share. However, as the recovery continues, the FHA can gradually return to its “traditional” role as an insurer of low-down-payment home mortgages for low-to-moderate-income and first-time homebuyers. A major concern going forward is susceptibility to increased adverse selection if it continues in nontraditional markets. Indeed, the modest market share of the FHA going into the housing collapse was important both in limiting its losses and in allowing it to maintain the market when other traditional secondary market makers failed. 相似文献
13.
In this paper we use evidence from the recent trajectories of mining industry associations in the Australian federation to argue for the significance of institutional explanations for the formation and maintenance of interest groups. We argue that the recent lack of consultation by the Commonwealth government with the Minerals Council of Australia over resources rent taxation proposals reflected a weakness that resulted from the shifting basis of associability stemming from institutional changes. 相似文献
14.
信赖原则具有平衡社会公共安全保护与交通建设事业发展、限制过失犯罪成立范围的功能,其适用条件有严格的限制。国外关于信赖原则的立法、判例对我国在刑法理论、立法领域引入该原则具有非常重要的借鉴意义。我国目前的交通设施环境、法治观念等已经基本具备了适用信赖原则的条件。 相似文献
15.
为了更好地传递信息,人类必须把握住原语言的意义。然而,脱离语境的词义具有歧义性、多义性和模糊性,会导致整个信息传达不准确。语境指真实的语言环境。它是限制语言使用的不同因素的总和。意义理解指正确理解特定材料给出的一定环境下的原语言。它不仅涵盖了对词的理解,还包括对文章的理解。脱离了语境,没有人可以理解任何对象的真义。语境在意义理解中起到束缚和限制的作用。为了得到某个词、句、段的确切意义,就要在语境中研究意义,即语境中的意义,这对学习二语的人们而言是十分必要的。 相似文献
16.
ABSTRACTThis study investigates the reform of supervision system in China through the Supervision Law, and identifies this Law as a sign within its corresponding social and political purposes and intentions from the sociosemiotic perspective. Within its legislation process, the Supervision Law could be identified as both a sign textualized among the disciplinary regulations, and as a signifier configured with the successive interpretants by relevant laws, for example, the Constitution Amendment 2018 and the Criminal Procedure Law 2018, showing the social construction of legislative meaning as infinite semiosis. In other words, from the whole process of sign perception, reception, acceptation, and interpretation, a legislative text could be interpreted both as a sign constructed in the external but relevant sign systems and as a signifier reconstructed with the successive but infinite interpretants in the internal sign system. This study also finds that the social construction of meaning is achieved and represented to the extent which is constructed through the representation and interpretation of law-making process by sign receivers or legal participants. 相似文献
17.
高等学校加强创业教育探讨 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
应若葵 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2005,15(1):113-116
如何认识和加强高校创业教育是目前社会各界尤其是教育界关注和研究的热点。本文在梳理了创业教育的概念基础上,从整个社会的就业形势、学生就业对高校自身发展的重要性以及目前大学生创业素质的现状三个角度讨论高校加强创业教育的紧迫性,进而对如何加强创业教育提出了若干策略。 相似文献
18.
N. P. Adams Antoinette Scherz Cord Schmelzle 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2020,23(3):281-291
ABSTRACTThe essays collected in this special issue explore what legitimacy means for actors and institutions that do not function like traditional states but nevertheless wield significant power in the global realm. They are connected by the idea that the specific purposes of non-state actors and the contexts in which they operate shape what it means for them to be legitimate and so shape the standards of justification that they have to meet. In this introduction, we develop this guiding methodology further and show how the special issue’s individual contributions apply it to their cases. In the first section, we provide a sketch of our purpose-dependent theory of legitimacy beyond the state. We then highlight two features of the institutional context beyond the state that set it apart from the domestic case: problems of feasibility and the structure of international law. 相似文献
19.
RADOSLAW ZUBEK 《European Journal of Political Research》2021,60(4):1018-1031
Much recent research on coalitions and policy-making in parliamentary democracies requires high-quality data on the strength of legislative institutions. In this article, I introduce a new index of committee policing strength which improves on existing measures in important ways. I specify key index parameters using a binary rooted tree model and engage human coders to score formal rules. I obtain a novel time series of committee policing strength in 17 western and eastern European democracies since 1945. I validate the new estimates through convergent validation and discuss ways in which the new index contributes to future work. 相似文献
20.
Dynamic agenda representation can be understood through the transmission of the priorities of the public onto the policy priorities of government. The pattern of representation in policy agendas is mediated through institutions due to friction (i.e., organisational and cognitive costs imposed on change) in decision making and variation in the scarcity of policy makers' attention. This article builds on extant studies of the correspondence between public priorities and the policy activities of government, undertaking time‐series analyses using data for the United States and the United Kingdom, from 1951 to 2003, relating to executive speeches, laws and budgets in combination with data on public opinion about the ‘most important problem’. The results show that the responsiveness of policy agendas to public priorities is greater when institutions are subject to less friction (i.e., executive speeches subject to few formal rules and involving a limited number of actors) and declines as friction against policy change increases (i.e., laws and budgets subject to a greater number of veto points and political interests/coalitions). 相似文献