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伴随城镇化和老龄化,空间转换过程中流动到大城市的老人在居住环境、经济状况、社会交往、社会参与等方面出现空间排异。年龄、同住人数、居住年限、是否农业户口等人口特征变量以及人均住房面积、个人月收入状况、自评健康状况、自评社会经济地位、社区满意度、邻里交往频率、社区参与情况等因素均显著影响流动老人的生活质量。基于此,建议政府广泛利用多种就业形式促进流动老人的人力资源开发,加快完善统一的社会保障体系提升老人异地养老保障水平,重视城市社区公共文化空间建设,组织开展多样化的社区活动,合理规划城市社区基本公共服务设施,保障并提高流动老人的生活质量。 相似文献
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适宜的团队规模,既有利于团队沟通、避免负面冲突,还可以提高团队效率,是完成科研团队研究任务的基本保证。研究表明,团队成员对科研团队规模的影响因素的认识不尽相同,低龄团队成员对科研团队规模影响因素重要性的评价均高于高龄团队成员;而高级专业技术职务团队成员对科研团队规模影响因素重要性的评价又明显高于中级及以下专业技术职务的团队成员。 相似文献
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随着我国人口老龄化加剧及空巢家庭的增多,空巢老人的心理问题,特别是孤独感成了影响我国空巢老人晚年生活质量的重要因素。提出加强心理健康知识宣传、继续弘扬"孝"文化传统、发挥空巢老人主体优势并构建完善的空巢老人身心健康服务体系等对策来帮助空巢老人克服孤独感。 相似文献
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人口老龄化的经济价值分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
老年人并没有丧失价值,而是实现了价值转换。老年人在文化价值成为首要价值的情况下,仍具有经济价值:低龄健康老年人仍有创造经济价值的能力;中龄、高龄老年人扩大了老年消费市场;高龄老年人有助于推动医疗卫生和老年服务业的发展。 相似文献
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张耀南 《北京行政学院学报》2006,4(4):72-76
中国哲学虽然拿不出“德先生”与“赛先生,”却可以推出“大人先生,”可以推出超越“自我中心”“、地球中心”、“人类中心”等“中心论”而对天地万物“一体平看”的“大写的人”。这就是中国哲学中的“大人论,”著者称之为“旧大人论”。其基本视野有三重:以“太一”而求“最高,”以“太极”而求“最大,”以“太和”而求“最多”。此种根本思维方式导致中西哲学走上完全不同的道路“。新大人论”是要以“旧大人论”为基础接纳西方哲学为其环节:就“最高”一方面说,假如我们能将“白”之研究当成“大白”之研究的一个环节,将“辩”之研究当成“大辩”之研究的一个环节来处理,则我们就可以将西方哲学当成中国哲学的一个环节来处理;就“最大”一方面说,“宇宙共同体”是中国哲学的“终极关怀,”西方哲学的最大视野只达到“生态共同体,”只是中国哲学的一个环节;就“最多”一方面说,西方“一体化”正驱赶整个世界走上“消灭多样性”的不归路,立于宏观与长远的视角,我们也完全可以把“一体化”视为中国“太和”思维框架中的一个环节、一个特例。“新大人论”的根本目标是把西方哲学当成中国哲学的一个环节或特例来处理。 相似文献
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安启念 《北京行政学院学报》2007,2(2):25-29
近年来,如何构建马克思主义哲学新体系一直是哲学界的热点问题。它涉及三个十分重要的问题:哲学与世界观的关系问题;哲学的科学性问题;如何认识旧体系的主要不足。在这一领域拥有重要影响的黄楠森先生努力开拓创新,但他依然把马克思主义哲学理解为辩证唯物主义的科学世界观。他提出的马克思主义哲学体系构想没有克服旧体系的不足。建构新的马克思主义哲学体系还是有待完成的艰巨任务。 相似文献
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Society changes with the addition of new members. Different generations have distinct historical experiences, which may shape their political stance across a spectrum of attitudes and behaviors. This symposium includes four articles analyzing generational politics in Taiwan and Hong Kong. The studies show that there are behavioral and attitudinal differences between the young and the old in both places. As overall voter turnout has declined in Taiwan, youth turnout has declined even more. In particular, the “China factor” is the main driving force to the younger generations’ political activism. Youths in both Taiwan and Hong Kong exhibit a strong local identity that differentiates them from the Chinese. The stronger the identity is, the more politically active they are. 相似文献
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Katherine H. Shelton Peter Mackie Marianne van den Bree Pamela J. Taylor Sarah Evans 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(3):483-504
It is estimated that on a single night in January 2009, there were 643,067 sheltered and unsheltered homeless people in America (The 2009 Annual Homeless Assessment Report to Congress 2010). The Obama administration recently published “Opening Doors,” the first federal plan to prevent and end homelessness. We argue that the strategy is based on a partial evidence base that raises questions about the potential of the strategy to meet its goals. In order to inform future iterations of the plan, data from 682 young adults (aged 18–27 years old; mean = 22.13 years old) who participated in the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health were used to examine whether there is a typologys of young adults with a history of homelessness; one of the priority groups in the strategy. A priori selected variables previously associated with lifetime homelessness in non-random samples were mapped to survey items. Data were analyzed using cluster analysis. Comparisons were conducted with a randomly selected “never-homeless” sample from the same study. The cluster analysis revealed four subgroups. It appears that the Federal Plan currently prioritizes homelessness risk factors associated with two subgroups: the Young Offenders subgroup and the Abused Depressed subgroup. The needs of two other subgroups are not fully addressed: the Childhood Adversity subgroup and the Vulnerable African-American subgroup. The authors offer guidance on future directions for homelessness policy relevant to young adults. 相似文献
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老旧小区加装电梯是一项面向特定空间、特定人群的准公共产品,居民协商是实现这一公共产品供给的集体行动,但居民的个体理性会导致实施时出现集体行动困境。广州是国内较早开展这项工作的城市,通过访谈和政策内容分析梳理广州市老旧小区加装电梯的工作历程,结合集体行动理论分析老旧小区加装电梯面临的协商规模和价值偏好的困境,并在此基础上进一步探讨居民协商集体行动困境的破解之策。广州市的经验不仅为其他城市老旧小区加装电梯提供了借鉴,也为今后通过制度设计促成居民集体行动、推进城镇老旧小区改造工作,形成社区治理的长效机制提供了有益的启示。 相似文献
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Hyunhoe Bae 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2012,31(2):404-431
Recently, there has been a surge in environmental regulations that require information disclosure. However, existing empirical evidence is limited to certain applications and has yet to generalize the effectiveness of this approach as a policy strategy to reduce environmental risks. This study evaluates the disclosure rule of the residential lead paint hazard (Title X) introduced in 1996. This regulation is one of the most prominent environmental disclosure laws, but its effectiveness has been relatively under‐investigated. Title X was intended to induce information recipients’ risk prevention behavior by proclaiming lead paint risk in old homes. Specifically, this study assumed three types of behavioral changes could be induced by Title X—(1) testing for lead paint, (2) maintaining painted surfaces in a proper condition, and (3) switching buying choice from old houses to new houses. In addition, using the national American Housing Survey, this study examined whether Title X increased the occurrence of those three behaviors. The results show that Title X increased the probability of homebuyers’ lead testing and decreased the probability of the existence of peeling paint in old homes. The analyses on households’ buying choices found that Title X did not result in a substantial switch from old houses to new houses in any socioeconomic status groups. However, it was found that the policy reduced the instances of households with young children occupying old homes. The findings in this study indicate that the policy generally induced more risk management behavior on existing risks and greatly influenced families with young children to such an extent that they changed their buying choice. 相似文献
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Hanna Wass 《Scandinavian political studies》2007,30(1):1-19
This article examines the extent to which political socialization accounts for generational differences in electoral participation found in recent studies. Political socialization is defined as the learning process in which an individual adopts various political attitudes, values and patterns of actions from his or her environment. The analysis is based on the Finnish National Elections Study 2003. The results show that even though politics has had the smallest role during the formative years of the youngest generation and they most often do not know their parents' partisanship, this generation has received the most encouragement for voting and the attitudinal change towards voting within an individual's life span has been the most positive. Consequently, the study shows that if there were no differences in the socialization between the youngest and the older generations, the difference in turnout would be larger if only sex and socioeconomic factors were taken into account. Based on these results, the author draws the conclusion that, rather than political socialization, the factors behind the low turnout among the young generation have to be searched for elsewhere. 相似文献
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Sally Marthaler 《West European politics》2013,36(5):937-959
The erosion of partisan ties observed in many advanced industrialised democracies has been attributed to a cluster of factors associated with societal modernisation. This article considers the impact of one of these explanatory factors, the political sophistication of the electorate, in the case of France. Specifically, it tests the proposition that a more highly-educated and better-informed electorate will be less partisan. Its findings challenge a number of the assumptions behind the ‘independent’ voter thesis. The evidence points to the fact that it is lower rather than higher cognitive mobilisation that is associated with apartisanship. More politically-sophisticated voters, young and old alike, tend to have stronger party attachment and to rely on this rather than on complex evaluations of issues and policy to guide their voting decision. 相似文献