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1.
Worldwide, microcredit has been recognised as a successful innovation in poverty alleviation. However, some claim that microcredit exacerbates poverty in developing countries. This study examines cases in Bangladesh where microcredit has actually worsened poverty among borrowers and investigates the underlying reasons for this adverse trend. Our results show that microcredit can exacerbate poverty in four interrelated circumstances. We argue that households living in extreme conditions of poverty who possess minimal or no surplus financial capacity to cope with contingencies are prone to adverse effects of microcredit, and suggest ways to avoid microcredit borrowers falling victims to such unintended consequences.

Le microcrédit peut-il aggraver la pauvreté ? Quelques cas de pauvreté exacerbée au Bangladesh

De par le monde, le microcrédit a été reconnu comme une innovation efficace en vue de réduire la pauvreté. Cependant, certains affirment que le microcrédit exacerbe la pauvreté dans les pays en développement. Cette étude traite de cas observés au Bangladesh où le microcrédit a de fait aggravé la pauvreté parmi les emprunteurs et se penche sur les raisons sous-jacentes de cette tendance négative. Nos résultats montrent que le microcrédit peut exacerber la pauvreté dans quatre situations interconnectées. Nous soutenons que les ménages qui vivent dans des conditions extrêmes de pauvreté et qui possèdent une capacité financière minime ou inexistante pour faire face aux imprévus sont sujets aux effets négatifs du microcrédit et nous suggérons des manières d'éviter que les récipiendaires de microcrédit deviennent les victimes de conséquences non voulues de ce type.

O microcrédito pode agravar a pobreza? Casos de pobreza exacerbada em Bangladesh

No mundo todo, o microcrédito tem sido reconhecido como uma inovação bem-sucedida na redução da pobreza. Porém, alguns afirmam que o microcrédito agrava a pobreza em países em desenvolvimento. Este estudo examina casos em Bangladesh em que o microcrédito na verdade tem agravado a pobreza entre tomadores de empréstimo e investiga as razões subjacentes para esta tendência adversa. Nossos resultados mostram que o microcrédito pode agravar a pobreza em quatro circunstâncias inter-relacionadas. Argumentamos que as famílias que vivem em condições extremas de pobreza e que possuem mínima ou nenhuma capacidade financeira excedente para lidar com contingências são suscetíveis aos efeitos adversos do microcrédito e sugerimos maneiras de se evitar que os tomadores de microcrédito tornem-se vítimas de tais consequências não pretendidas.

¿Pueden los microcréditos incrementar la pobreza? Casos donde aumentó la pobreza en Bangladesh

Los microcréditos han sido ampliamente reconocidos como una iniciativa eficaz para disminuir la pobreza. Sin embargo, hay quienes afirman que los microcréditos incrementan la pobreza que ya existe en los países en desarrollo. Este ensayo analiza diversos casos en Bangladesh, donde se ha comprobado que los microcréditos agudizaron la pobreza de los prestatarios, e investiga las principales causas de esta tendencia negativa. Los autores señalan que los microcréditos pueden incrementar la pobreza en cuatro circunstancias que se relacionan entre sí. Sostienen también que las familias que viven en condiciones de pobreza extrema y cuentan con una mínima reserva financiera para imprevistos, o con ninguna, tienden a sufrir los efectos adversos de los microcréditos. El ensayo sugiere maneras de evitar que los prestatarios se expongan a estas consecuencias no previstas de los microcréditos.  相似文献   


2.
Journalists in Mexico face hundreds of attacks each year, ranging from online harassment and physical intimidation to outright murder. The official narrative typically claims that murdered journalists are the victims of general criminal violence. This article finds that despite the rampant violence in Mexico, the murder of journalists cannot be attributed to the country’s general criminal violence problem alone. Instead, the evidence points to the targeting, and even political targeting of journalists. First, journalists are at a much higher risk of being murdered than the general population. Second, the divergence between homicide rates among the general population and among journalists varies considerably between Mexican states. While recent scholarship has shown that subnational governments can successfully remain authoritarian despite democratization at the central or federal level, this literature has largely ignored the use of political killings in subnational undemocratic regimes. This article attempts to understand the murder of journalists not just as a problem of criminal violence, but also of political violence, and thereby connects the findings to the existing scholarship on subnational authoritarianism.  相似文献   

3.
Endogenous African governance systems are criticised for excluding women. This critique ignores several realities that women have played roles different from those of men. This article examines the roles that women play in endogenous governance structures of patrilineal and matrilineal ethnic groups in rural areas in Malawi on leadership, violent conflict prevention, and transformation. It argues that these endogenous governance systems inherently contain features that enable women to actively participate and play powerful leadership roles, though men dominate in terms of numbers and authority. These gender patterns do not seem to change much despite the changing political, social, and economic environment.  相似文献   

4.
This article evaluates poverty transition using self-assessment in a quasi-experimental framework. Data are drawn from a survey conducted in 2006 of 400 women who were the beneficiaries of a poverty-alleviation programme which involved longer-term interventions towards building the strength of government departments, participating organisations, and beneficiaries. During the survey, when the project was approaching its conclusion, about 50 per cent of these farmers were still in the programme. The article addresses a number of key questions related to pathways out of poverty through livestock-based activities, heterogeneity in livelihood choice and its impact on household welfare, and wider applications.  相似文献   

5.
This article (re)examines Afghan youth within the post-Taliban nation-building process through a close review of the growing academic literature on the nexus of development and conflict, as well as the author's personal, in-country interactions with Afghans over the past decade. It argues that when people believe in development, they view inequalities as a particular stage that they must pass through to emerge on the other side. Yet, when a country's people lose faith in the promise of development, they begin to view inequalities without the hope that reaching the other side is simply a matter of time and patience. When this ‘loss of faith’ occurs one option is to try to exit to a better place. The second option is violence—to break through to the ‘other side’ through force. This article argues that with the decade long failure of development in Afghanistan such trends are increasingly visible among Afghan youth, and suggests the need for a critical paradigm shift in the way that we view the country and the context of development there.  相似文献   

6.
This article reports on a local government–NGO partnership in rural Bangladesh. The findings suggest that BRAC’s Strengthening Local Governance initiative, through partnership with Union Parishads (the lowest tier of the existing local government structure), has been successful in strengthening the governance of Union Parishads by changing the mindsets of Union Parishad officials through building their capacity and mobilising people in the community to become involved in the Union Parishad’s service delivery process. As a result, the service delivery process has been streamlined, corruption reduced, and accountability and transparency increased.  相似文献   

7.
8.
Political organizations enjoy considerable legal protection under Japan's postwar constitution, and right‐wing organizations acquired additional political protection during four decades of uninterrupted rule by the conservative Liberal Democratic Party. These circumstances facilitated the development or re‐emergence of (1) complex links and overlapping memberships between right‐wing political groups, organized crime groups (yakuza), and professional corporate extortionists (sōkaiya); (2) tolerance and encouragement by state authorities of the use of violence by such groups as forms of private policing; and (3) the formation of bogus right‐wing groups to facilitate extortion, intimidation, and political corruption under cover of legal protections afforded to political organizations. This situation is reassessed in light of new legislation, current changes in the Japanese political situation and a recent influx of foreign workers.  相似文献   

9.
ABSTRACT

Communication conditions the fate of people about and for whom the outcomes arise. The challenge to scholars, practitioners and policy makers is for excellence in the practice of communication. The question which arises is whether this excellence is about efficiency or effectiveness. Towards unravelling this question, two media theoretical notions of communication and information are examined. Though mutually related, the two basic notions are nevertheless different. This article argues that the interchangeable regard and use of these notions by many scholars, practitioners and policy makers is the reason for communication's little apparent impact on improving the developing communities' social and economic conditions despite the accelerated pace, tempo and volume of information technology. The paper rationally situates this argument within the field of development and the role therein of ‘communication’ with reference to the development performance of generally the Third World, and Africa particularly, over the last three decades. Upon this argument, the article suggests a communication paradigm of reversals and practical diversities as a contribution towards excellence in communication. Only when messages sent really begin to speak to the intended audiences and form the basis of intervention can there be excellence in communication.  相似文献   

10.
This article examines the situation of women around agro-plantations which have taken over their farmlands in the South-West Region of Cameroon through large-scale land acquisitions, and how they have sought popular redress. Based on a survey and focus group discussion among affected women, the findings revealed that women are generally left out of large-scale land acquisition processes. They complained of displacement from their farms and traditional forest resources, which has negative effects on their livelihoods and lifestyles. Despite women’s constrained situation, they have risen collectively against marginalisation, failed promises, and injustices through protests and defiance, achieving some successes in their demands for recognition and compensation.  相似文献   

11.
With European Union Training Missions (EUTM) Mali and EUTM Somalia, the EU seeks to stabilize countries facing state weakness caused by intrastate conflict. While the EU formally promotes security sector reform (SSR) through its foreign policy, the EUTM missions in Mali and Somalia in one sense can be described as “counter-insurgency by proxy” as military trainees combat local insurgencies shortly upon graduation. This raises the question whether the EUTM missions are consistent with SSR aims, such as creating a security sector that is legitimate, sustainable, and under civilian control, or inadvertently risk contributing to negative side effects in the medium term. Based on extensive interviews in Belgium, Kenya, Mali, Sweden, and Uganda with personnel who either served in or planned these missions, this study analyses factors which hinder the EUTM concept from being fully consistent with SSR and identifies possible policies to ameliorate the risk of unintended side effects.  相似文献   

12.
This paper examines the nature of Moscow’s military strategies in the Arctic. It is argued that the roles of military power have radically changed since the Cold War era. According to Russian strategic thinking, instead of being a coercive instrument in a global confrontation between two superpowers and capitalist and socialist systems, now military power has new functions, such as to ascertain Russia's sovereignty over its (not their) exclusive economic zone and continental shelf in the region, protect Moscow’s economic interests in the North, prevent illegal migration and potential terrorist attacks against critical industrial and infrastructural objects, fulfil some dual-use functions (such as search and rescue operations, monitoring air and maritime spaces, providing navigation safety, mitigating natural and man-made catastrophes), help academic community in developing Arctic research, and carry some symbolic functions. These new roles, however, do not preclude military power from fulfilling its traditional functions, such as territorial defence, power projection, deterrence, and containment. Russia’s military modernisation programmes are described. The authors arrive at a conclusion that these programmes do not provoke an arms race or undermine the regional cooperation. To prevent negative security trends, a system of arms control and confidence- and security-building measures should be developed in the region.  相似文献   

13.
In this study, we examined creativity in court‐connected mediation. We analyzed 129 mediated agreements from civil cases in Norway and Denmark and compared the outcomes with the parties' original claims to determine whether the agreement addressed only the disputants' demands or contained other elements. If the mediated agreements contained elements in addition to the original claims, we considered them to be “creative.” We devised a creativity scale and found that approximately two thirds of the cases contained creative elements and one quarter of them contained more than five creative elements. We then sought to determine which aspects of the mediation promoted creativity by looking at a variety of mediation characteristics (length of mediation, characteristics of the parties, etc.). We found that lengthier mediations tended to feature more creativity as did cases that involved two private individuals rather than businesses. Cases whose issues involved inheritance as well as the division of property following divorce seemed to foster the highest levels of creativity. Finally, we found that the amount of money at issue also seemed to be relevant: the highest levels of creativity were found in cases in which more money was at stake. In this article, we also discuss the implications of our findings for future research, practice, and training.  相似文献   

14.
A new pattern of bilateralism is evident in Southeast Asianeconomic diplomacy, and this may be broadly viewed from extra-regionaland intra-regional perspectives. Regarding the former, an increasingnumber of states from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN) group have engaged in the Asia-Pacific's new bilateralfree trade agreement project trend, and two ASEAN member states– Singapore and Thailand – have been at its forefront.Regarding the latter dimension, recent developments in intra-ASEANdiplomacy have revealed the emergence of a Singapore–Thailandbilateral axis or alliance on matters of Southeast Asian economicregionalism. These two dimensions of economic bilateralism arestudied in relation to their implications for Southeast Asianor ASEAN-led regionalism. In this context, region-convergentbilateralism can make positive contributions to the developmentof regionalism, whereas region-divergent bilateralism essentiallyundermines regional community-building endeavours. This formsthe conceptual framework for studying the impact of Singaporeand Thailand's active bilateral economic diplomacy upon ASEAN'sown regional economic projects, such as the ASEAN Free TradeArea (AFTA), and also on ASEAN as an organization for fosteringSoutheast Asian economic regionalism generally. It is contendedthat based on both the deeper strategic intentions behind Singapore'sand Thailand's foreign economic policies and wider internationalpolitical economy considerations the region-divergent outcomesare more likely to arise within Southeast Asia from the economicbilateralism they are currently championing.  相似文献   

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17.
Global Value Chains (GVCs) serve as significant sources of employment for developing countries, with various impacts upon their labour markets and workers. While participation in GVCs is important for economic upgrading, there is concern about a ‘race to the bottom’ happening in global competition. This paper attempts to understand how economic upgrading and decent working conditions interact in the proliferating GVCs, by looking at the garment exporting countries in Asia. It argues that worker profiles as well as local economic and labour market conditions have important implications on how competitiveness plays out in terms of working conditions.

Concurrence et travail décent dans les chaînes de valeur mondiales : substitutionnaires ou complémentaires?

Les chaînes de valeur mondiales (CVM) constituent des sources considérables d'emploi pour les pays en développement, avec divers impacts sur leurs marchés du travail et leur main-d'?uvre. Si la participation aux CVM est importante pour le développement économique, il y a néanmoins des inquiétudes concernant une « course vers le bas » dans la concurrence mondiale. Ce document tente de comprendre comment le développement économique et les conditions de travail décentes entrent en interaction dans les CVM en prolifération, en examinant les pays exportateurs de textiles en Asie. Il soutient que les profils des ouvriers, ainsi que les conditions locales économiques et du marché de la main d'?uvre, ont d'importantes implications sur la manière dont la concurrence se manifeste dans les conditions de travail.

Competitividade e trabalho decente em Cadeias Globais de Valor: substituição ou complementaridade?

As Cadeias Globais de Valor (GVCs) servem como fontes importantes de emprego para países em desenvolvimento, com vários impactos sobre seus mercados de trabalho e trabalhadores. Embora a participação nas GVCs seja importante para a melhoria econômica, há a preocupação de haver uma “corrida para baixo” na competição global. Este artigo visa compreender como a melhoria econômica e condições de trabalho decentes interagem na proliferação das GVCs, analisando os países exportadores de roupa na Ásia. Ele argumenta que os perfis dos trabalhadores e também as condições locais do mercado econômico e de trabalho têm implicações importantes no modo como a competitividade acontece em termos de condições de trabalho.

Competitividad y trabajo digno en las Cadenas de Valor Mundiales: ¿sustituyen o complementan?

Las Cadenas de Valor Mundiales (CVM) son importantes fuentes de empleo en los países en desarrollo y producen efectos diversos en los mercados de empleo y en los trabajadores. Si bien las CVM pueden ser importantes para el mejoramiento económico, es preocupante la “competencia para bajar los estándares” que resulta de la competitividad mundial. Este ensayo intenta descubrir cómo el mejoramiento económico y las condiciones de empleo dignas se articulan en las CVM en rápido crecimiento analizando los países exportadores de prendas de vestir de Asia. El ensayo sostiene que el grado de capacitación de los trabajadores, la situación económica y las condiciones del mercado laboral son factores importantes a la hora de analizar cómo la competitividad afecta las condiciones de trabajo.  相似文献   


18.
In the post-Soviet space, Georgia and Ukraine are broadly perceived as exceptions to the growing authoritarianism in the region owing to the far-reaching political changes triggered by the so-called Colour Revolutions a decade ago. This article examines Russia's reaction to political changes in Georgia and Ukraine in light of the interplay between the democracy-promotion policies implemented by the EU and US and domestic patterns of democratization. We argue that despite the relatively weak impact of EU and US policies vis-à-vis domestic structures, Russia has responded harshly to (what it perceives as) a Western expansionist agenda in pursuit of reasserting its own hegemonic position in the post-Soviet space. However, coercive pressure from Russia has also unintended, counterproductive effects. We argue that the pressure has actually made Georgia and Ukraine more determined to pursue their pro-Western orientation and has spawned democratization, thereby supporting the objectives of the Western democracy promoters.  相似文献   

19.
This article argues that as the first modern US president and an innovative shaper of American foreign relations, Theodore Roosevelt launched the rising United States on the world stage as a major actor in power politics, that American diplomacy came of age with him and not with Woodrow Wilson, and that the secular pragmatist who succeeded because he was abreast of the times should not be begrudged the laurels that are so often bestowed on the religious-minded visionary who failed because he was ahead of his time. In American historiography Wilson has often eclipsed—unfairly and erroneously—the geopolitical and diplomatic skills, professionalism and expertise in foreign policy of Roosevelt. Even as ex-president, Roosevelt would be a force to be reckoned with. The use and misuse of a misconstrued legacy that some have tried to confiscate for their own benefit is perhaps best illustrated by presidential candidate John McCain's reverential claim that he is “a Teddy Roosevelt Republican” rather than a neo-Wilsonian.  相似文献   

20.
The article argues that the ongoing process of democratization in the Third World affects both men and women significantly, though differentially. It examines the two major strands of democratic theory, representative and participative, to emphasize that both of these take for granted the division between the public and the private spheres. This division inhibits the mass participation of women in politics and therefore in the democratic processes affecting them. It further analyses the arguments made in the name of cultural specificity of Third World societies and the dilemmas that these pose for women in their struggle for democracy. It draws upon various case studies to examine the contradictory and often painful options that women of the Third World are faced with in any process of political change, including that of democratization. Through the case studies the article underscores the complex relationship between the state and civil society in the Third World and how women negotiate the boundaries of both. It concludes that the process of political democratization, though not an unproblematic transition, creates new opportunities for women to mobilize in their own various interests.  相似文献   

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