论巴黎协定后北越实行"政治优先"政策的原因

签署巴黎协定之后,北越并没有立即采用军事手段统一南方.虽然北越一直在向南越渗透人员和物资,但是在南越的蚕食行动面前,北越却保持了一种忍让的态度.考虑到当时南北双方的力量对比以及北越以往的进攻态势,它的这种行为是耐人寻味的.北越之所以会这样,一是为了最大限度地利用对自己有利的巴黎协定,二是为了避免美国的再度干涉,三是考虑到自身的实力问题.但这并不代表北越就要放弃统一越南的目标,正好相反,这只是为了实现其目标而采取的一种相当妥当的策略.     

The Bottom Line: The Fundamental Weaknesses of Latin American Finance

Throughout the 1980s, Latin America experimented with financial liberalisation, which was supposed to solve the perpetual weaknesses of low savings, lack of access to capital, and the resulting stultifying effects on growth. We find that fundamental weaknesses in regional financial systems continue. We suggest that there are three basic policy reactions: a deepening of neoliberal policies; a neo‐structural reform of them; and a Bolivarian social reform‐oriented approach. While the neo‐structural approach has yielded the most promising performance, it is still limited. We conclude that the success of reforms lies in understanding and changing the calculations of the political beneficiaries of the status quo.     

Anxiety and Diminished Hope: The Potential Impact of Trump’s Presidency on Security in the Pacific Islands Region

Abstract

The election of Donald Trump as the next president of the US has caused much international consternation and anxiety. Reactions have been based on distrust and rejection of Trump’s political ideology, behavioural disposition and unpredictable policy positions. His campaign speeches were filled with provocative utterances which were racist, sexist, homophobic, anti-environment and self-centred. This article examines some possible impacts of Trump’s presidency on the Pacific island countries (PICs). The first issue refers to how Trump’s proposed isolationist and militarisation policies may affect regional geopolitics. The two policies tend to contradict each other because while isolationism means pulling back on US economic and strategic presence in the Pacific, a reversal of the pivot to Asia-Pacific policy, militarisation implies greater strategic reach, regionally and globally. What does this seemingly contradictory approach mean for the PICs? Second, the article looks at the impact of Trump’s climate change denial stance and the responses by PICs, given the fact that climate change is the single most significant foreign policy and development initiative of the PICs since their independence. The third issue deals with the potential impact of Trump’s restrictive migration policies on remittance flow to the PICs and how these affect the small island economies and well-being.     

格拉斯哥会议后全球气候治理格局、特征与趋势——兼议对我国气候治理的影响及其策略选择

格拉斯哥会议是继2019年马德里会议后举行的第一次正式气候谈判会议,也是美国重返《巴黎协定》后参与的第一次谈判会议,在多方共同努力下,格拉斯哥会议取得了实质性进展,达成了《格拉斯哥气候协议》,在适应资金、碳市场、1.5℃目标以及退煤等问题上达成了广泛共识,同时也开启了《巴黎协定》全面实施的进程。本文梳理和分析了格拉斯哥会议后全球气候治理的新格局、特征和趋势以及对我国可能产生的影响,并就我国应对新形势、参与全球气候治理进程提出建议。     

Post-Hegemonic Climate Politics?

The article argues that the effects of a new US president on global climate politics will be rather less than might be expected. This is partly because the rhetorical differences between Bush, his predecessor Clinton and President Obama mask great continuities in US climate change politics since the early 1990s. It is also because, unlike in other issue areas, the EU has moved into a position of clear international leadership, which is likely to provoke diplomatic conflict, both for standard reasons of realpolitik but more precisely because of the different growth strategies pursued by each side and the different implications of those strategies for climate policy. Finally, the emergence of a dense pattern of transnational climate governance will increasingly constrain the options for either side in pursuing new climate change agreements after 2012.     

Impediments besetting the negotiations for a comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement between the European Union and East and Southern Africa (2007–2014)

Several African, Caribbean and Pacific countries are currently negotiating World Trade Organization (WTO)-compatible reciprocal economic partnership agreements (EPAs) with the European Union (EU), agreements intended to supersede the one-sided trade preferences of the Lomé Convention. This study focuses on impediments which have bedevilled the EU–East and Southern Africa (ESA) negotiations for a transition from an interim EPA to a comprehensive EPA. These talks, which ran from 2007 to 2014, followed the expiry of a WTO waiver and the ESA's successful resistance to elements of the EU's agenda considered offensive, despite envisaged benefits provided for by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement of 2000 calling for EPAs. The study is based on qualitative primary research in which data from interviews was augmented by a synthesis of secondary sources and analysed through a thematic coding system. Findings reveal asymmetrical power relations, a marked heterogeneity in the ESA and outstanding issues in the interim EPA and WTO regulations as major impediments to the transition to a comprehensive EPA.     

The impact of plurilateral trade agreements on developing countries – to participate or not to participate?

In the wake of the impasse in the Doha Development Round of multilateral trade talks, sector-specific plurilateral trade agreements (PTAs) have been gaining traction. However, PTAs mostly appeal to developed countries, with the uptake among developing countries (including least-developed countries) being very limited. This article investigates the factors contributing to such a phenomenon, whether there is indeed merit in developing countries playing a more active role in PTAs and how they might be encouraged to do so. Both qualitative and quantitative analyses were conducted with specific attention being given to the effects, on a selection of developing countries, of participation in four PTAs: the Trade in Services Agreement, the Government Procurement Agreement, the Environmental Goods Agreement and the Information Technology Agreement II. Among the findings was that although, according to the qualitative analysis, policymakers are generally disinterested in the four PTAs because they are not aligned to the countries’ economic interests or they threaten policy space, the quantitative analysis revealed that gains could often be made from more active participation in these agreements. This clearly points to a research gap and highlights the need for more in-depth analysis of the potential of PTAs in the developing world.     

越南与欧盟缔结自贸协议的考量和影响

2019年6月30日,《越南与欧盟自由贸易协定》正式签署。本文以越欧批准签署FTA为切入点,首先论述了双方启动FTA谈判的背景,认为双方参与FTA有助于实现各自的全球对外贸易战略目标,近年来越欧日益紧密的经贸关系为双方缔结FTA创造了良好的前提条件;进而从越南视域角度分析双方缔结FTA的动机,认为越南与欧盟缔结FTA是出于对经济、政治和大国关系平衡三方面的综合考虑;最后阐述了该协定的内容及协议生效对越南、WTO多边自由贸易体制、东盟地区经济一体化以及中越经济关系产生的影响。     

构建现代环境治理体系中地方政府的创造性执行

坚持和完善生态文明制度体系,构建现代环境治理体系,需要地方政府的创造性执行,把生态文明的制度优势转化为生态环境保护和环境治理效能,切实改善环境质量,不断满足人民日益增长的优美生态环境需要,建设美丽中国。推动地方政府的创造性执行,要建立必要的制度保障,核心就是地方政府推动发展的强力激励与地方政府生态环境主导责任落实的制度...     

全面从严治党视域下党的制度建设研究

党的十八大以来,制度建设贯穿政治立党、思想建党、组织管党、作风兴党、纪律治党和反腐败斗争全过程,党的制度建设成效卓著。其中,坚决做到两个维护是制度建设的纲和魂;推进作风建设是制度建设的开篇之作和重要内容;严肃党内政治生活是制度建设的重要抓手;完善责任体系、强化党内监督是制度建设的重要保障;加强纪律建设是制度建设的根...     

Outsourcing a partnership? Assessing ACP–EU cooperation under the Cotonou Partnership Agreement

Since 2000 the cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states has been governed through the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. This article complements existing research that focuses on Brussels-based stakeholders with an analysis drawing on the existing literature and on stakeholders' perceptions of ACP–EU cooperation and ACP institutions gathered via interviews in nine ACP countries. The findings presented observe a social disconnect between, on the one hand, the Cotonou Partnership Agreement's institutions and Brussels-based representatives, and, on the other hand, the broad-based and multistakeholder partnership they are tasked to promote. The article points to low levels of support in ACP countries, particularly in Africa, to continued ACP–EU cooperation in its present form, and stresses the need for an open and participatory process of reviewing and reshaping ACP–EU relations.     

Fractured International Environmental Governance and the Potential Role of the Commonwealth in Biodiversity and Climate Change

Abstract

This paper begins by examining the reasons behind most failures of governance, including fault lines in institutional and professional specialisation, and in ideology. These three, forever competing within and between themselves, frustrate attempts to find solutions to some of the world's most pressing challenges. Not least among these are environmental challenges, where preferences and priorities that are geographically, professionally or ideologically narrow inevitably fail to achieve solutions for the greater good. What role can the Commonwealth play in addressing the fracture lines that bedevil solutions for climate change and biodiversity? It may help to stimulate global action on these issues if it can encourage agreement across multidimensional global boundaries. We know the Commonwealth is not a leading global force for controlling climate change or biodiversity loss; but if it had the political will it could be an exemplar of how, between a group of vastly diverse countries across the globe—and on the global political stage—binding agreement and positive action on climate change and biodiversity could be promoted and perhaps achieved. One of the strongest features of the Commonwealth is the generation of long-standing legal and ethical norms whose appeal is obvious even if their implementation is lacking. These norms should not be limited to the rule of law, democracy and human rights, but should include environmental norms because these too are fundamental to a satisfactory human condition.