Europe and Asian international cooperation

In 2006 Asian–European Meeting, ASEM, turned 10 years old. Reaching this milestone justifies critical reflections of the first decade of the dialogue forum, and debate on the directions for the second decade. When looking at the previous success of ASEM, and when planning for the new directions of European–Asian cooperation, one must keep in mind that this vast area covered by ASEM includes many drastically different value sets and definitions of what constitutes success and failure in Asian-European cooperation. From the European perspective, it is important to remember that many of the European approaches and institutions of international cooperation are not necessarily seen by Asians as being optimal for ASEM. In order to assess how Europe should view the approaches and institutionalisation of ASEM, it is important that we know how the expectations of Asians and Europeans differ, and how the different Asian and European approaches to international cooperation manage to bring results. These are the questions tackled here.     

Organizing international armaments cooperation: institutional design and path dependencies in Europe

Abstract

Few issues are more important to scholars of Europe's emergence as a foreign policy actor than whether the European Union (EU) can forge a common defense-industrial policy out of 27 states' procurement policies and defense industries. Overlooked in most scholarly analyses of European defense-industrial cooperation, the story of Europe's international armaments organizations stretches back more than six decades. In this article, we examine the impact of past institutional outcomes on the defense-industrial field by applying the concepts and analytic tools of historic institutionalism to European armaments organizations. Because past institutional dynamics have channeled the subsequent development of armaments cooperation, what has emerged is a polycentric governance architecture wherein organizations with transatlantic, pan-European and restrictive-European memberships dominate distinct components of the cooperative process. We demonstrate that this maturing institutional pattern will likely limit the opportunities for the EU – and especially its Commission – to shape the future contours of European defense-industrial cooperation.     

NGO monitoring and the legitimacy of international cooperation: A strategic analysis

States often invite NGOs to monitor international cooperation. Under what circumstances are states likely to take this step? We argue that NGO monitoring allows states to provide domestic publics with credible evidence regarding successful cooperation, but that this credibility carries a cost: if states fail to cooperate, a participating NGO will expose this failure and thus delegitimize the cooperation effort. Our formal analysis indicates that states obtain a dual benefit from NGO participation: in addition to enhanced legitimacy, NGO scrutiny helps states credibly commit to high cooperation levels vis-á-vis each other. The increased costs of failure, however, may deter state use of NGO monitoring. Surprisingly, we find that NGO monitoring is the most useful for states when the cooperation cost is relatively low. We explore the empirical relevance of our theoretical argument in NGO monitoring of World Bank development projects and compliance with the Kyoto Protocol. We also explain why NGO monitoring has been disallowed in the Global Environment Facility. Our analysis provides a firm strategic foundation for the idea that NGO participation sometimes confers benefits to states, and our theory has several empirically falsifiable implications.     

Early birds: Special interests and the strategic logic of international cooperation

I propose that special interests are particularly influential in international cooperation because they are able to enact pressure on the government already during the negotiations while the issue is not yet salient for the general public. In my formal model, special interests can offer political support to the government in exchange for a discriminatory implementation commitment that benefits them. The government colludes with the special interests if the value of political support exceeds the cost. However, if the government colludes with special interests in country A, the payoff to the government and special interests in country B also decreases because the probability of successful international cooperation decreases. In equilibrium, special interests create a collective-action problem that complicates international cooperation. In addition to providing a new explanation for the power of special interests in international cooperation, the article illuminates how international negotiations and domestic treaty implementation interact. The analysis also reveals a new dimension of flexibility in international cooperation.     

The international community should do more to help Africa

Cooperation with Africa under the background of globalization is an important but also interesting topic. Globalization is changing the world,including Africa and international relations as well. Against such a background, it is meaningful to discuss how to strengthen, the cooperation between the international community and Africa.     

Facilitators and obstacles to cooperation in international development networks: a network approach

This paper draws attention to the value of a network approach for understanding cooperation in international development networks. The approach emphasises the impact of social interaction, and the values, ideas, and behaviours of individuals on the achievement of development goals. Social network analysis is used to analyse the social structure and dynamics of interaction in an aid-funded development network organisation that aimed to develop optometry capacity in Mozambique. The analysis shows the value of combining quantitative and qualitative methods in a complementary way to identify factors facilitating (network consciousness and social skill) and hindering (power dynamics) cooperation.     

Effects of neoliberal adjustments on government-funded international volunteer cooperation organisations

This paper uses findings from a survey of 19 government-funded international volunteer cooperation organisations (IVCOs) to discuss whether past and future patterns of government funding provide support for assertions of neoliberal adjustments. Findings indicate greater competition between providers, increased accountability for aid effectiveness, more private sector involvement, and an emphasis on domestic priorities with a focus on the skill-development of young volunteers. It provides examples of these changes and discusses the implications of changing patterns of government funding for international volunteering as an approach to development aid.

Effets des ajustements néolibéraux sur les organismes de coopération internationale bénévole financés par des gouvernements

Cet article se sert des résultats d'une enquête menée parmi 19 organismes de coopération internationale bénévole (OCIB) financés par des gouvernements pour discuter de la question de savoir si les schémas passés et futurs de financement gouvernemental viennent prouver les ajustements néolibéraux. Les résultats indiquent une concurrence accrue entre fournisseurs, une redevabilité accrue pour ce qui est de l'efficacité de l'aide, une participation plus importante du secteur privé, et un accent sur les priorités nationales, avec pour axe central le développement des compétences des jeunes bénévoles. Il donne des exemples de ces changements et traite des implications de l’évolution des schémas de financement gouvernemental pour le bénévolat international comme approche de l'aide au développement.

Efectos de los ajustes neoliberales en organizaciones internacionales de cooperación voluntaria financiadas por gobiernos

El presente artículo se apoya en una encuesta aplicada a 19 organizaciones internacionales de cooperación voluntaria (oicv) financiadas por gobiernos, realizada con el fin de polemizar respecto a si los actuales y los pasados patrones de financiamiento gubernamental sustentan las afirmaciones de [que se produjeron] ajustes neoliberales. Las conclusiones demuestran la existencia de mayor competencia entre proveedores, así como mayor rendición de cuentas en torno a la eficacia de la ayuda, más participación del sector privado y un énfasis en las prioridades nacionales, centrado en el desarrollo de habilidades en los jóvenes voluntarios. El artículo proporciona ejemplos de estos cambios y examina las implicaciones que los cambiantes patrones de financiamiento gubernamental tienen para el voluntariado internacional como enfoque para la ayuda de desarrollo.

Efeitos de ajustes neoliberais em Organizações Internacionais de Cooperação de Voluntários financiadas pelo governo

Este artigo utiliza resultados de uma pesquisa de 19 Organizações Internacionais de Cooperação de Voluntários (IVCOs) financiada pelo governo para discutir se padrões passados e futuros de financiamento governamental oferecem apoio para reivindicações de ajustes neoliberais. Os resultados indicam uma maior competição entre provedores, maior prestação de contas para a efetividade da ajuda, mais envolvimento do setor privado e ênfase nas prioridades domésticas com enfoque no desenvolvimento de habilidades de jovens voluntários. O artigo oferece exemplos destas mudanças e discute as implicações de padrões variáveis de financiamento governamental para o voluntariado internacional como abordagem para a ajuda ao desenvolvimento.     

Foreign Terrorist Organization designation,international cooperation,and terrorism

How does branding militant groups as “Foreign Terrorist Organizations” (FTOs) affect them? Beyond its obvious policy importance, this question speaks to debates about counterterrorism, terrorism financing, and organizational dynamics of subnational violence. This article analyzes FTO designation, a key policy used by the U.S. government since 1997 to impose costs on foreign terrorist groups and those who might support them. Contrary to arguments that sanctions are ineffective and that terrorism is too “cheap” to be affected, it is argued that designation should weaken terrorist groups, reducing their attacks over time. However, the effect is probably conditional. FTO designation should be especially effective against groups operating in U.S.-aligned countries, given the importance of international cooperation in counterterrorism. Global quantitative analyses suggest that FTOs operating in U.S.-aligned countries carry out fewer attacks over time than other groups, taking many other factors into consideration.     

Improving citizen participation in local government in Latin America through international cooperation: a case study

Issues related to democratic restructuring and citizenship at the municipal level in Latin America have been the subject of increasing interest and debate among scholars and development practitioners in recent years. This study investigates how international cooperation may facilitate enhanced citizen participation in local‐level decision making in the region by examining a specific Canadian‐sponsored linking project involving the cities of Charlesbourg, Quebec (Canada) and Ovalle (Chile). The study presents a relatively optimistic account of the role that innovations transferred as a result of this project have played in enhancing citizen involvement in local government. At the same time, it suggests that any such gains may be limited and must be viewed within the larger politico‐administrative context in Latin America and attendant factors restricting the establishment of a broad democratic culture at the local level.     

Optimal transfers and participation decisions in international environmental agreements

The literature on international environmental agreements has recognized the role transfers play in encouraging participation in international environmental agreements. However, the results achieved so far are overly specific. Therefore, we develop a more general framework that enables us to study the role of transfers in a systematic way. We propose transfers using both internal and external financial resources for making “welfare optimal agreements” self-enforcing. To illustrate the relevance of our transfer scheme, we use a stylized integrated assessment simulation model of climate change to show how appropriate transfers may induce almost all countries into signing a self-enforcing climate treaty.      

俄罗斯节能立法及参与国际新能源合作的趋势

俄罗斯于20世纪90年代中期颁布首部《节能法》,开始了在节能领域的立法探索。21世纪以来,在全球气候变化的背景下,俄政府在节能减排和提高能源利用效率等方面陆续出台一系列法律法规,致力于为贯彻节能措施创造良好的经济环境和建立有利于资源节约的市场机制。为了实现所承担的节能减排义务,俄罗斯能源战略首次把发展新能源提升到战略高度,将对本国能源公司参与新能源发展的国际合作提供外交支持,现阶段的重点是发展核电和水电。凭借先进的核技术,俄政府制定了全面的核能发展计划。在世界核能领域,俄罗斯通过与铀储量丰富的国家开展合作,力求掌握国际核燃料的供应权,进而在全球核能市场占据主导地位。近年来,中俄在核电、水电等新能源领域的合作取得突破性进展,既有利于中国企业"走出去"拓展新市场,更可为中俄整体经贸关系和政治关系的健康发展奠定坚实基础。     

广西北部湾经济区外向型高层次人才培养策略

广西北部湾经济区现有的外向型高层次人才不能满足该区域经济合作发展的需求,必须加大和加强高层次人才国际化培训力度。本文针对外向型高层次人才培养工作中存在的缺失,提出创新培养模式、实施培养工程、加快培训基地建设和拓展培训项目等外向型高层次人才培养策略。     

Norms from the periphery: tracing the rise of the common but differentiated principle in international environmental politics

Abstract

Over the last three decades, constructivist scholars of international relations have created a rich body of literature on the influence of global norms. Until recently, the vast majority of that work focused on norms originating in the developed world and neglected the ideational impact of developing countries. This article confronts this oversight in the literature by tracing the rise of the “common but differentiated responsibility” (CBDR) norm in international environmental politics. The CBDR principle traces its origins to the developing world and today it is part of the framework principles of international environmental agreements. Thus, it represents a global norm promoted by, rather than diffused to, the developing world. In the process of tracing this norm’s rise, this article generates a set of hypotheses about the conditions under which developing countries create global norms.     

Time to scale up cooperation? Trade unions,NGOs, and the international anti‐sweatshop movement

Between 1991 and 2002 the international anti‐sweatshop movement experienced significant growth. A series of interconnecting international networks developed, involving trade unions and NGOs in campaigns to persuade particular transnational corporations (TNCs) to ensure that labour rights are respected in the production of their goods. While the loose, networked form of organisation that characterises the movement has helped it to grow and progress despite its diverse constituency, arguably a lack of coordination has undermined its ability to achieve policy change. There is a need to develop new forms of global cooperation in order to avoid fractures within the movement and the loss of impetus.