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1.
    
The 2007/2008 Republican presidential primary run for Ron Paul was a relatively unique candidacy, as he was a former third-party presidential candidate for the Libertarian Party in 1988. In this article, I argue that his recent run as a Republican needs to be studied as a third-party movement within a major party. To do so, I conduct a state-level analysis of support for Paul using a dependent variable measuring the number of online Paul donors. The results indicate that the strongest explanation for Paul support is a state's vote for Paul in 1988. This finding shows that a third-party campaign can help a politician's national-level career rather than serving merely as an outlet for popular discontent. It also shows that candidate-centered support can carry over into a major-party campaign, even if almost 20 years has elapsed and a candidate's third-party vote percentage was quite low. La primaria presidencial republicana de 2007/2008 donde se postuló Ron Paul fue una candidatura relativamente única, ya que en 1988 él fue un candidato presidencial de un tercer partido conocido como Partido Liberal. En este articulo sostengo que su reciente postulación como Republicano necesita ser estudiada como un movimiento de un tercer partido dentro de un partido mayoritario. Para realizarlo, realizo un análisis a un nivel estatal del apoyo a Paul utilizando una variable dependiente que mide el número de los donadores de Paul en línea. Los resultados indican que la explicación más concluyente del actual apoyo a Paul es el voto estatal otorgado al candidato en 1988. Este hallazgo demuestra que una campaña de un tercer partido puede ayudar a la carrera de un político a nivel nacional más que simplemente servir como una salida del descontento popular. Así mismo, demuestra que el apoyo otorgado al candidato puede transferirse a una campaña de partido mayor, aun después de veinte años y a pesar de que el porcentaje de voto obtenido por ese candidato en ese entonces haya sido bajísimo.  相似文献   

2.
    
The Rental Assistance Demonstration (RAD) Program is designed to address a $26 billion public housing capital needs backlog. New investment is leveraged by converting public housing to project-based assistance, with ownership transferred to nonprofit and private entities. In other words, RAD is expediting the end of the country’s 80-year-old public housing program. While this may seem like a dramatic policy shift, there is actually little about RAD that is new. This investigation of RAD’s origins reveals it to be the coalescence of existing programs, established policies, and longstanding trends multiple decades in the making. This in turn helps explain why RAD has expanded so quickly and why its expansion is likely to continue. There exists a great need for more research on and monitoring of RAD’s implementation, and for a reassessment of the policy priorities that produced both the program itself and the problem it attempts to solve.  相似文献   

3.
    
The mismatch between the housing needs of persons with a disability and the housing programs designed to accommodate those needs is an important housing policy concern. The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) sponsors several programs designed to improve the housing conditions of persons with a disability, but we know little about the characteristics of persons with a disability, among those receiving federal housing assistance, or the degree to which persons with a disability are served by HUD-sponsored housing programs that are designed to meet the needs of persons with a disability. Our study relies on administrative data from HUD and the U.S. Census Bureau to address this research gap. We find that many persons with a disability are served by HUD-sponsored programs that are not designated for persons with a disability, even when disability accommodations have been requested, and a similarly large share of persons with a disability live in potentially eligible low-income households that do not receive HUD assistance.  相似文献   

4.
    
ABSTRACT

To succeed, the Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) program must be attractive to rental property owners. When landlords refuse to accept subsidized renters, lease-up rates decline, administrative costs increase, and options become limited to high-poverty neighborhoods where owners are most desperate. This article examines what motivates landlords’ decisions to accept subsidized tenants. We use 127 interviews with a random and field sample of landlords, combined with administrative data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development on property ownership in Baltimore, Maryland, Dallas, Texas, and Cleveland, Ohio. We find that landlords’ perspectives on the HCV program, including rents, tenants, and inspections, are highly dependent on context; landlords weigh the costs and benefits of program participation against the counterfactual tenant that a landlord might otherwise rent to in the open market. We argue that policymakers can boost landlord participation by better understanding how landlords think about their alternatives within each local context. Finally, we consider what drives nonparticipation in the program. Our results show that the majority of landlords who refuse voucher holders had accepted them previously. We suggest that policy reform should be dually focused on improving bureaucratic inefficiencies that deter landlord participation, and providing training and education to landlords.  相似文献   

5.
We used the Moving to Opportunity (MTO) housing experiment to inform how Housing Choice Vouchers and housing mobility policies can assist families living in high-poverty areas to make opportunity moves to higher quality neighborhoods, across a wide range of neighborhood attributes. We compared the neighborhood attainment of the three randomly assigned MTO treatment groups (low-poverty voucher, Section 8 voucher, control group) at 1997 and 2002 locations (4–7 years after baseline), using survey reports, and by linking residential histories to numerous different administrative and population-based data sets. Compared with controls, families in low-poverty and Section 8 groups experienced substantial improvements in neighborhood conditions across diverse measures, including economic conditions, social systems (e.g., collective efficacy), physical features of the environment (e.g., tree cover) and health outcomes. The low-poverty voucher group, moreover, achieved better neighborhood attainment compared with Section 8. Treatment effects were largest for New York, New York, and Los Angeles, California. We discuss the implications of our findings for expanding affordable housing policy.  相似文献   

6.
This study uses spatial regressions and spatial statistics to examine the changes in the distribution of Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) households within an expanded San Francisco Bay Area region. From 2000 to 2010, the density of HCV households grew disproportionately across the region, and areas of significant increase emerged in both the region’s urban cores and its rural periphery. Furthermore, the destination communities shared a set of common characteristics. In 2010 HCV households were more likely to locate in areas with lower housing prices, lower percentages of educated people, higher rates of poverty, and higher percentages of African American households when compared with the region as a whole. These findings suggest that voucher holders locate where housing is affordable. We conclude that in regions with tight housing markets, supply matters. This study also introduces housing researchers and policy makers to a methodological approach that addresses what is known in geostatistics as a change of support problem.  相似文献   

7.
    
Recent media attention and research have focused on the effect of housing vouchers on crime, with different conclusions. The purpose of this study is to bring further evidence to the voucher–crime debate, using annual data from 2000 to 2009 for Charlotte-Mecklenburg County. We study the relationship between crime counts and housing vouchers with quantile regression models with year and census tract fixed effects. We found that voucher households are associated with increased crime, controlling for past crime levels. Estimates vary, however, with the concentration of vouchers in the neighborhood, with little impact in areas with low concentrations. Estimates also vary with the neighborhood crime level. We extend the literature by examining the effect of different voucher family types, finding no evidence that elderly households or nonelderly households without disabilities and without children are associated with more crime. However, we found a very significant positive association for nonelderly households without disabilities with children. Our results indicate that significant crime reductions could be accomplished by focusing U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, local housing agency, and criminal justice resources on the types of places and voucher families most at risk for crime problems when a family uses a voucher to move into a new neighborhood.  相似文献   

8.
One of the most important developments affecting electoral competition in the United States has been the increasingly partisan behavior of the American electorate. Yet more voters than ever claim to be independents. We argue that the explanation for these seemingly contradictory trends is the rise of negative partisanship. Using data from the American National Election Studies, we show that as partisan identities have become more closely aligned with social, cultural and ideological divisions in American society, party supporters including leaning independents have developed increasingly negative feelings about the opposing party and its candidates. This has led to dramatic increases in party loyalty and straight-ticket voting, a steep decline in the advantage of incumbency and growing consistency between the results of presidential elections and the results of House, Senate and even state legislative elections. The rise of negative partisanship has had profound consequences for electoral competition, democratic representation and governance.  相似文献   

9.
After the 2008 global financial crisis, both the United States and the United Kingdom introduced austerity policies targeted at particular elements of their national budgets. The purpose of this article is to compare the nature of this retrenchment; the similarities and differences in how it was implemented; and its initial impacts on one of the expenditure areas particularly affected: affordable rental housing programs and housing support for low-income households. Using a wide range of data sources, we find evidence of political and fiscal policy analogies in the timing and forms of the initial policy choices and how these were modified in the face of economic and political pressures. There are considerable similarities both in the instruments used to reduce housing expenditures and in the early impacts on support mechanisms and recipients. However, we find different histories and trajectories of support between the two countries that suggest that the longer term differences in outcomes may be more important.  相似文献   

10.
    
While the use of racial appeals by the 2016 Trump campaign is indisputable, researchers are actively debating their precise role in influencing voter behavior in the election. We seek to expand upon existing research which finds that racial animus electorally benefited the Trump campaign. We examine to what extent those benefits also materialized for GOP candidates down-ballot and whether racial animus distorted ideological proximity voting in the 2016 election. We find that racial animus among voters helped Republicans at multiple ballot levels and that higher levels of racial animus distorted spatial voting among voters ideologically closest to the Democratic candidate.  相似文献   

11.
    
The idea that a person’s neighborhood or zip code can predict his or her life outcomes has motivated a host of housing policies aimed at redressing racial segregation and breaking up areas of concentrated poverty. This article critically examines underlying assumptions about high-poverty neighborhoods that motivate those policies. Using ethnographic methods, I present the location preferences of residents living in a low-income neighborhood in Columbus, Ohio, and show the ways in which their perceptions of their neighborhood run counter to common portrayals. This analysis provides clues as to why the underlying logic of dispersal and mobility may be flawed. I conclude that place matters very much to people living in this neighborhood, just not in the way commonly implied by dispersal and mobility policy advocates. The implication is that stability, rather than mobility, ought to be the focus of more housing discussions.  相似文献   

12.
The two hallmarks of a critical election and, hence, of a critical realignment are the magnitude of the observed change and the durability of that change. In addition to offering a new approach to measuring durable change in national party dominance, and providing a non-parametric criterion to identify unusual changes in seat/vote shares, we provide fresh insights via a unifying statistical approach that reflects both of these factors simultaneously. Furthermore, we assess the robustness of critical election determinations in two ways. First, we compare the magnitude of inter-election shifts with both average volatility over the entire time period and volatility relative to a particular time period. Second, as an alternative to the usual perspective, we consider critical elections not as a one-time cataclysm, but rather as a pair (or perhaps even triple) of consecutive substantial shifts, generated by the same underlying factors. Overall, we distinguish six elections that marginally or provisionally meet our criteria to be critical elections. But focusing on pairs of elections, 1858–60 and 1930–32 stand out as critical among all elections since the 1850s.  相似文献   

13.
14.
    
In line with social capital theory, citizen involvement in local education policy making should affect education performance. Specifically, because voting turnout and candidate competition in school district elections are accountability mechanisms and reflections of a district's social capital, these characteristics of school board elections should affect how schools perform. Using official Missouri election records and school district data, this article examines the effect of district social capital (i.e., voting turnout and candidate competition), demographics, and school resources on school performance (i.e., standardized test scores and graduation rates). Mixed support is found for social capital theory, with voting turnout significantly affecting standardized test scores, though not graduation rates, and candidate competition influencing graduation rates, though in an unexpected direction. This study expands our understanding of the factors affecting school performance and informs the discussion of education reform. En línea con la teoría del capital social, la participación de los ciudadanos en la hechura de las políticas de educación local debería afectar el rendimiento escolar. Específicamente, porque la participación en la votación y el grado de competencia entre candidatos en las elecciones en los distritos escolares son mecanismos de rendición de cuentas y un reflejo del capital social del distrito, estas características de las elecciones del consejo escolar deberían afectar el desempeño de las escuelas. Utilizando registros oficiales de las elecciones en Missouri e información de los distritos escolares, este artículo examina el efecto del capital social del distrito (i.e., participación en la votación y el grado de competencia entre candidatos), la demografía, y los recursos escolares en el rendimiento escolar (i.e., los resultados estandarizados de las pruebas y las tasas de graduación). Se encuentra un apoyo mixto para la teoría del capital social donde la participación en la votación afecta considerablemente los resultados estandarizados de las pruebas, aunque no a las tasas de graduación, y en una dirección inesperada, el grado de competencia entre candidatos influye a las tasas de graduación. Este articulo amplia nuestro entendimiento de los factores que afectan el rendimiento escolar y fortalece la discusión sobre la reforma educativa.  相似文献   

15.
16.
    
The United States is facing an acute shortage of reasonably priced housing with over 35% of households paying more than 30% of their income for housing costs in 2015. As the U.S. economy recovers from the Great Recession, will housing become less unaffordable as incomes rise and households could potentially pay a lower share of their income for housing costs? To see if this is likely, I examined the change in housing affordability in the 100 largest metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) in the United States between 1990 and 2000, a period of exceptional economic prosperity. I used the percentage of housing cost-burdened households (those that pay more than 30% of their gross income on ownership or rental costs) as a measure of the availability of reasonably priced housing. I used discriminant analysis techniques to detect statistically significant differences in the percentage of cost-burdened households in the 100 MSAs based on a variety of factors. I found that despite the phenomenal economic prosperity of the 1990s, about 30% of households were cost-burdened both in 1990 and 2000. High MSA median income was correlated with a greater shortage of reasonably priced housing. Neither economic growth rate nor poverty rate nor population growth rate distinguished high-shortage MSAs from low-shortage ones. Large MSAs and MSAs in the West had greater shortages than other MSAs. Economic prosperity did not alleviate the problem of lack of reasonably priced housing in the past, and is not likely to do so in the near future. Planners and policy-makers need to enact new policies at local, regional, state, and federal levels to effectively address America’s chronic affordable housing shortage.  相似文献   

17.
    
This article investigates how the Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) program rations subsidies. HCV is the largest low-income housing assistance program in the United States. Despite the program’s size, millions of HCV-eligible households go without subsidy each year. Because the demand for support exceeds the supply of subsidies, HCV assistance is rationed through several mechanisms. These mechanisms and their relationship with the HCV system from both the client and administrator perspectives will be discussed. Implications of HCV rationing will also be discussed.  相似文献   

18.
    
ABSTRACT

The surge in foreclosures in the United States that began in 2007 reached a peak in mid-2011, and since then, the rate of foreclosures has been decreasing, providing evidence of the housing market recovery. This study examines factors that affected changes in ZIP code-level foreclosure rates in more than 300 U.S. metropolitan areas during the national housing recovery. Using multivariate analyses of the long- and short-term effects of foreclosures simultaneously, this finding shows that certain characteristics of the mortgage and housing markets led to more rapid neighborhood recovery. Results also indicate, however, that most urban-form variables led to neighborhood resilience over the long term, that high shares of mixed land use were strongly associated with fewer foreclosures, and that high shares of auto dependency were associated with high foreclosure rates. Finally, findings suggest that low- and moderate-income neighborhoods, particularly in cities, were more vulnerable and less resilient to economic shock, and the accumulated effects of foreclosures worsened over the long term. However, low- and moderate-income neighborhoods surrounded by suburban affluent neighborhoods recovered more rapidly than those in cities did. Understanding such resilience to economic crises will provide policymakers with insights that they can leverage to establish housing policies for sustainable neighborhoods.  相似文献   

19.
    
This article focuses on partisan change in a region that has become a Democratic stronghold: the Northeast. Using data from the American National Election Studies, the article conceptualizes realignment as changes in the social group composition and ideological and issue bases of party support. Findings suggest that an ideological realignment has transformed the party coalitions in the Northeast in a way that suggests a widespread and durable Democratic advantage. Furthermore, this realignment was produced by both party conversion and generational replacement of the electorate. The article finds little signs that a competitive Republican electoral coalition can be forged, and that a solid Democratic Northeast will likely be a feature of American politics and a regional pillar of any emerging national Democratic majority. Este artículo se enfoca en el cambio partidista en una región que se ha convertido en un bastión Demócrata: el Noreste. Utilizando información de los Estudios Americanos Nacionales de Elecciones (ANES, por sus siglas en inglés), este artículo conceptualiza la realineación como cambios en la composición de los grupos sociales y sus bases ideológicas y de las bases de apoyo partidista por asunto. Los resultados sugieren que una realineación ideológica ha transformado las coaliciones partidistas en el Noreste de una forma que sugiere una ventaja Demócrata extendida y durable. Además, esta realineación fue producida tanto por la transformación del partido como por un remplazo generacional del electorado. El artículo encuentra pocas señales que una coalición electoral competitiva Republicana pueda ser forjada, y que un sólido Noreste Demócrata será probablemente un rasgo de la política Americana y un pilar regional emergente de cualquier mayoría nacional Demócrata.  相似文献   

20.
为了提高应急志愿者的组织化与专业化程度,美国建立了完善的应急志愿服务体系,实施了严格的应急志愿者认可与保护制度,并对无组织归属的志愿者进行了有效的管理。借鉴美国的经验并结合中国实际,文章提出了完善我国应急志愿者管理制度的建议。  相似文献   

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