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The failures of regionalism and regional structures for cooperation between the five CIS Central Asian states are well studied. However, explanations so far do not convincingly account for the apparent enthusiasm of these states for the macro-regional frameworks of the Eurasian Economic Community, the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. This article argues that, as with previous efforts at Central Asian regional self-organization, these broader organizations still largely represent a form of ‘virtual regionalism’. But for the Central Asian states they offer a new and increasingly important function, that of ‘protective integration’. This takes the form of collective political solidarity or ‘bandwagoning’ with Russia (and China in the SCO) against processes and pressures that are perceived as challenging incumbent leaders and their political entourage. A primary motivation for Central Asian leaders' engagement in the EAEC, CSTO and SCO, therefore, is the reinforcement of domestic regime security and the resistance of ‘external’ agendas of good governance or democracy promotion. These goals are concealed behind a discourse that denigrates the imposition of external ‘values’ and continues to give pride of place to national sovereignty. This offers little to overcome the underlying fractures between states in Central Asia.  相似文献   

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《Central Asian Survey》1996,15(3-4):451-453
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浅析日本的中亚外交   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
从20世纪90年代初日本与中亚各国建立外交关系以来,其中亚外交经历了起步、发展和加速发展三个阶段,近来展露出了强劲的势头.除经济原因外,实现"政治大国"的战略目标、争夺中亚的油气资源和遏制中俄是日本积极发展中亚外交的原因所在.日本发展中亚外交有其经济技术上的优势,但也有不利的因素.  相似文献   

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Although no security structure exists yet in Northeast Asia comparable to Europe’s NATO, there is movement toward new arrangements as the century ends. Unresolved cold war disputes on the Korean Peninsula and between China and Taiwan as well as controversy over an appropriate Japanese role in the twenty-first century combine to sustain general regional support for a continued American force presence in Japan and Korea. Nevertheless, two potential developments could erode that presence over time: (1) the unification of Korea, after which U.S. troops on the peninsula might be unacceptable and (2) a change in American budgetary priorities that could significantly draw down forward deployments in the western Pacific. In anticipation of these changes, Northeast Asian states are beginning regional security dialogues.  相似文献   

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针对长期以来缺少一个明确的对中亚政策的问题,欧盟于2007年通过了 "欧盟与中亚新伙伴关系战略",为欧盟与中亚的进一步合作打下了坚实的基础.欧盟的新战略充分考虑到中亚各国的国情,得到了广泛的支持和认可.在该战略通过之后,欧盟积极开展对中亚的投资,并在人权、环境、水资源等领域与中亚展开对话,同时避免在该地区出现对抗与竞争性局面.  相似文献   

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