党内民主视域下列宁反对官僚主义的思想

反对官僚主义是列宁党内民主理论的重要组成部分,是列宁的重要贡献之一。列宁揭露了官僚主义的表现形式,剖析了官僚主义的严重危害,深入分析了官僚主义产生的社会历史根源。列宁把反对官僚主义和腐化堕落之风作为无产阶级政党党内民主建设的一项重要任务。列宁认为＂需要有千百个措施＂来防、反官僚主义。     

列宁党内民主理论的形成和发展

列宁党内民主理论是在同各种机会主义思潮和派别进行不调和的交锋中形成的.各种机会主义思潮和派别为列宁党内民主理论形成提供了反面素材,执政实践为列宁党内民主理论发展提供了鲜活内容和经验.     

列宁集体主义思想及其现实意义

列宁在领导无产阶级革命、建设社会主义国家的实践中,将集体主义思想作为支撑其民族自决理论、社会主义建设理论的核心价值观念。集体主义思想一直贯穿于列宁的整个思想体系和实践活动中———从制定经济政策、政治政策到强调树立社会主流意识形态。苏联解体后,社会主义意识形态在俄罗斯已不复存在。在当代俄罗斯社会面临严重危机的背景下,集体主义已现回潮之势。列宁集体主义对于俄罗斯社会价值观重构有重要现实意义。     

列宁时期党内"民主的集中制"研究

列宁时期"民主的集中制"可以概括为十一项基本内容.战争时期的极端集中制是特定历史条件下的特殊产物.国内外战争刚刚结束,俄共十大与列宁即对和平时期"民主的集中制"作了初步设计:考虑一种"新的政治政策".     

斯大林与列宁晚年的改革思想

本文通过对列宁晚年思想、活动与斯大林言论行动的对比、分析,认为列宁晚年同斯大林在党和国家体制及其改革问题上存在着一系列分歧.列宁在新经济政策条件下,从党的十大到十一大和晚年著作中提出了一系列有关党和国家机构改革的思想和措施,包括党政职能分开,限制个人权力过大,加强监督机制,反对纯行政手段,实行科学、民主决策,等等.但在列宁病重、出现权力交接危机的形势下,斯大林以各种借口,巧妙地抵制列宁的思想和主张,在一些问题上甚至逆列宁之道而行之,结果反而使以党代政更趋严重,个人权力更加集中.从这里可以观察到斯大林在其当政之初就在政治体制、政治结构上同列宁存在着分野,从此可透视出当时尚处萌芽状态的斯大林体制的若干特征.     

列宁图书馆事业发展思想及其对我国的启示

革命导师列宁在领导苏俄社会主义革命和建设的伟大实践中发表了诸多关于图书馆事业的经典论述,形成了体系完备、内涵丰富的图书馆事业发展思想.列宁的图书馆事业发展思想主要包括图书馆事业的重要性、图书馆事业管理、图书馆事业建设、图书馆业务发展等方面.列宁的图书馆事业发展思想对当今我国图书馆事业的科学发展具有重要的启发和借鉴意义.     

列宁逝世前夕关于文化建设的重要思想

列宁逝世前夕提出,苏俄要建成社会主义社会,必须加强文化建设;在农民中进行文化工作,有利于合作社的建设;通过文化建设提高机关工作者的文化素质,有利于改善党和国家机关的工作.他提出,加强文化建设,必须提高教师的地位,发挥广大教师的作用;必须增加对教育的投资,以教育的发展促文化发展;应该使城市党组织和城市文化团体经常下农村,促进农村的文化建设;应该使机关工作者努力学习业务知识,促进管理文化的建设.     

比较史学视野下的列宁与威尔逊的"民族自决权"思想

无产阶级的伟大导师列宁和美国前总统威尔逊20世纪初在继承前人思想并结合当时国际和国内政治需要的基础上,相继阐发了自己对"民族自决权"的理解,形成了各自的"民族自决权"思想.他们的思想顺应了世界民族民主运动的历史潮流,在内涵的阐释及对世界的影响方面有相似之处;但由于阶级利益和意识形态的差异导致了目的、视角和结果的迥异.     

列宁是如何执行民主集中制的

列宁是民主集中制原则的创立者，也是共产党执行民主集中制的楷模。为了全面贯彻民主集中制，加强社会主义民主和法制，当前研究、学习列宁执行民主集中制的经验仍有重大的现实意义。     

近年来学界关于列宁的几个争议问题

本文对近年来学界有关列宁的三个争议问题进行探讨和澄清:关于十月革命的发动与所谓列宁是德国奸细的问题,关于1987年中文版《列宁全集》中对列宁生前最后评价斯大林的一段译文释义问题以及关于列宁在《论合作社》中对社会主义的整个看法的改变问题。     

Political and ideological aspects in the measurement of democracy: the Freedom House case

While several studies have dealt with methodological aspects of measuring democracy, little attention has been devoted to the political and ideological issues that affect the construction and structure of these measuring instruments. The aim of this study is twofold: in analysing the cultural and economic dimensions of the Freedom House (FH) organization, it seeks to delineate the political background of FH, thus underlining its neoconservative bias. Secondly, by focusing on the changes over time in the checklists used by FH to measure democracy, this study aims to analyse to what extent these changes are ideologically driven, in particular, to what are they linked to the neoliberal paradigm. Indeed, the hypothesis is that the construction of FH's scales has been affected by the neoliberal climate in which they were conceived. In the first part, the work reconstructs the academic debate about FH's scales and the historical and political context which brought to the affirmation of neoliberal democracy. It also provides a discussion regarding the importance of measurement as a political tool. In the second part, the study provides an analysis of FH through the reconstruction of its political-ideological profile, beginning with the formation of FH to its current internal culture. The third part provides an analysis of the checklists used by FH for measuring democracy. Our findings show that because of the changes in methodology and the strict interconnection between methodological and political aspects, FH data do not offer an unbroken and politically neutral time series, such that their use for cross-time analyses both for research and policy is questionable.     

Structural factors vs. regime change: Moldova's difficult quest for democracy

This article examines the state of and perspectives on democracy in the Republic of Moldova. The fall of its communist authoritarian regime in 2009 – sometimes compared to a colour revolution – went against the trend toward heavy authoritarianism now visible in the Commonwealth of Independent States. However, the regime change in Moldova does not necessarily imply a process of genuine democratic consolidation. This article argues that the future course of the Moldovan polity will be decided by structural domestic and geopolitical factors different from those that produced the regime change. Most of these structural factors do not favour democratization. Moldova's only chance to secure a genuinely democratic trajectory may therefore be dependent on its relationship with the European Union (EU). The article argues that nothing short of a process of accession to the EU can modify factors that are likely to prevent democratic consolidation. In its absence, the article contends that Moldova will either develop a Ukrainian-style hybrid regime or return to its authoritarian past.     

Measuring subnational democracy: toward improved regime typologies and theories of regime change

Social scientists have been limited in their work by the paucity of global time series data about subnational institutions and practices. Such data could help scholars refine regime typologies, improve theories of democratization and regime change, better understand subnational democracy, and illuminate issues of development, conflict, and governance. This article addresses the lack of data by introducing 22 subnational measures from a new dataset, Varieties of Democracy. Validity tests demonstrate that the measures’ strengths outweigh their weaknesses. The measures excel in covering all subnational levels for most countries, capturing different elements of subnational elections, and including a variety of dimensions of elections and civil liberties. The measures also offer unmatched global and temporal coverage. The article demonstrates how these strengths can provide scholars with the benefits described above.     

Institutional stepping stones for democracy: how and why multipartyism enhances democratic change

Scholars of electoral authoritarianism and comparative institutions have emphasized how authoritarian regimes implement multiparty elections to stabilize authoritarian rule and diffuse political opposition. Consequently, the literature has advised against the notion that multiparty elections constitute a general lever for democratization. This article presents evidence in support of a more positive understanding of multipartyism and democracy. We argue that multiparty elections create an institutional space for oppositional parties, instrumentally motivated to promote further positive democratic change. We hypothesize that multiparty regimes are (1) generally more likely to experience positive democratic change, and (2) more importantly, more likely to do so when faced by internal or external regime threats. We test these hypotheses using cross-section time-series data on 166 countries in the period 1973–2010. Our results show a general positive effect of multipartyism for democratic change, and that multiparty regimes are more likely to improve their levels of democracy when faced with demonstrations and economic crisis.     

Cosmetic agreements and the cracks beneath: ideological convergences and divergences in US and EU democracy promotion in civil society

This piece examines the substance of EU democracy promotion from a comparative point of view and from a perspective placing under inquiry the meaning of the idea of liberal democracy itself. Instead of assuming that the democratic ideal that the EU promotes (‘liberal democracy’) has a clear, fixed meaning, the article examines in detail what actually constitutes the ‘ideal of democracy’ at the heart of EU democracy promotion, and compares this vision to that which informs the democracy promotion of the US. It argues that interesting differences, and shifts and oscillations, in the models of liberal democracy that the EU and the US promote exist and that these are important to note in order for us to fully appreciate how the substance of EU and US democracy support can be shaped by conceptual and ideological debate on the meaning of democracy. This dynamic is particularly relevant today, in the context of the recent attempts to develop transatlantic dialogue on democracy support. This dialogue, it is suggested, plasters over some subtle but important ideological cracks over what is meant by democracy in EU and US democracy support.     

The evolution of South Africa's democracy promotion in Africa: from idealism to pragmatism

South Africa is an emerging power with fairly strong democratic institutions that were crafted during the transition from minority to majority rule twenty years ago. How has South Africa used its position and power to promote democracy in Africa? Against the backdrop of debates on democracy promotion by emerging powers, this article probes attempts by successive post-apartheid governments to promote democracy in Africa. We argue that although democracy promotion featured prominently in South Africa's policy towards Africa in the immediate post-apartheid period under Nelson Mandela, the administrations of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma faltered in advancing democratic norms. This is largely because South Africa has confronted pressures to maximize pragmatic national interests, which have compromised a democratic ethos in a continental environment where these values have yet to find steady footing.     

Devolution Plan 2000: dictatorship,democracy, and the politics of institutional change in Pakistan

Contemporary development theory and policy research puts an overarching emphasis on institution building as a key driver of change in developing countries. Over the past few decades, decentralisation reforms have played out as the linchpin of such institution building efforts, advocated by international development agencies and favoured by national governments. This article examines decentralisation reforms implemented in Pakistan under the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers initiative through a case study of the implementation and outcomes of Devolution Plan (DP) in Khyber Pukhtunkhwa province. Promulgated by General Musharaf in 2000, the DP aimed to restructure and rebuild political and administrative structures, to redress key issues of governance, resource distribution, and service delivery. The Local Government System (LGS) was a key reform element within the DP, but it lost traction and was abolished in 2008/09. This article demonstrates two important factors, regime legitimisation and the preservation of clientelistic politics, that have profoundly shaped implementation of the DP. The findings demonstrate how the implementation of this large-scale internationally supported attempt at institution building ultimately succumbed to a range of particularistic interests.     

Singapore 40 years on. Slow road to democracy

Singapore got a new Prime Minister in August 2004 - only the third one since 1959, and incidently the son of the first. The ruling People’s Action Party appears as firmly in power as ever before. However, under that apparent immobility, very significant changes have taken place since a decade. They did not affect (yet?) the core of the political system, and its compulsive authoritarianism, but otherwise the atmosphere is simply no more the same. Liberalization has especially affected culture and private life. But, since 2001, the new threat of terrorism has put into question the always delicate ethnic equilibrium. It could also slow or even stop the timid political opening.     

The sex of participatory democracy. An analysis of the theoretical approaches and experiences of participatory democracy from a feminist viewpoint

The generalist theory of participatory democracy and the non-essentialist feminist approach to forms of democratization have developed in parallel despite sharing an agreement to work towards more shared forms of managing power. The origin of this disunity lies, partly, in the first theoretical body's tendency to present citizen participation as a tool for democratizing the neutral and universal public space. As a result, both theoretical bodies have parallel points of view regarding the elements that structure women's participation. This article explores, through the qualitative analysis of two experiences of participatory democracy in which the feminist viewpoint has been unequally incorporated (Porto Alegre's participatory budgeting?Porto Alegre PB?and the 15M movement), the relationship between the parallel development of the general proposals of the two theoretical bodies and the elements that restrict the participation of women in the practice of participatory democracy.