党内民主视域下列宁反对官僚主义的思想

反对官僚主义是列宁党内民主理论的重要组成部分,是列宁的重要贡献之一。列宁揭露了官僚主义的表现形式,剖析了官僚主义的严重危害,深入分析了官僚主义产生的社会历史根源。列宁把反对官僚主义和腐化堕落之风作为无产阶级政党党内民主建设的一项重要任务。列宁认为＂需要有千百个措施＂来防、反官僚主义。     

列宁党内民主理论的形成和发展

列宁党内民主理论是在同各种机会主义思潮和派别进行不调和的交锋中形成的.各种机会主义思潮和派别为列宁党内民主理论形成提供了反面素材,执政实践为列宁党内民主理论发展提供了鲜活内容和经验.     

列宁时期党内民主的集中制研究

列宁时期民主的集中制可以概括为十一项基本内容.战争时期的极端集中制是特定历史条件下的特殊产物.国内外战争刚刚结束,俄共十大与列宁即对和平时期民主的集中制作了初步设计:考虑一种新的政治政策.     

列宁集体主义思想及其现实意义

列宁在领导无产阶级革命、建设社会主义国家的实践中,将集体主义思想作为支撑其民族自决理论、社会主义建设理论的核心价值观念。集体主义思想一直贯穿于列宁的整个思想体系和实践活动中———从制定经济政策、政治政策到强调树立社会主流意识形态。苏联解体后,社会主义意识形态在俄罗斯已不复存在。在当代俄罗斯社会面临严重危机的背景下,集体主义已现回潮之势。列宁集体主义对于俄罗斯社会价值观重构有重要现实意义。     

斯大林与列宁晚年的改革思想

本文通过对列宁晚年思想、活动与斯大林言论行动的对比、分析,认为列宁晚年同斯大林在党和国家体制及其改革问题上存在着一系列分歧.列宁在新经济政策条件下,从党的十大到十一大和晚年著作中提出了一系列有关党和国家机构改革的思想和措施,包括党政职能分开,限制个人权力过大,加强监督机制,反对纯行政手段,实行科学、民主决策,等等.但在列宁病重、出现权力交接危机的形势下,斯大林以各种借口,巧妙地抵制列宁的思想和主张,在一些问题上甚至逆列宁之道而行之,结果反而使以党代政更趋严重,个人权力更加集中.从这里可以观察到斯大林在其当政之初就在政治体制、政治结构上同列宁存在着分野,从此可透视出当时尚处萌芽状态的斯大林体制的若干特征.     

列宁青年观的历史与现实审思

无产阶级革命领袖列宁对青年的价值持深刻洞见。在俄国社会主义革命和建设的历史背景下,列宁将青年视为社会变革的主体,强调青年在推动社会进步中应发挥决定性作用,并指出对青年进行系统性培养的必要性。列宁重视青年在社会革命和建设中的主体作用,提出既要在理论层面加强对青年的知识教育和道德教育,又要在实践层面善于组织和动员青年发挥实际作用。时至今日,列宁青年观仍能为青年成长提供立场定位和理论滋养。     

列宁图书馆事业发展思想及其对我国的启示

革命导师列宁在领导苏俄社会主义革命和建设的伟大实践中发表了诸多关于图书馆事业的经典论述,形成了体系完备、内涵丰富的图书馆事业发展思想.列宁的图书馆事业发展思想主要包括图书馆事业的重要性、图书馆事业管理、图书馆事业建设、图书馆业务发展等方面.列宁的图书馆事业发展思想对当今我国图书馆事业的科学发展具有重要的启发和借鉴意义.     

列宁逝世前夕关于文化建设的重要思想

列宁逝世前夕提出,苏俄要建成社会主义社会,必须加强文化建设;在农民中进行文化工作,有利于合作社的建设;通过文化建设提高机关工作者的文化素质,有利于改善党和国家机关的工作.他提出,加强文化建设,必须提高教师的地位,发挥广大教师的作用;必须增加对教育的投资,以教育的发展促文化发展;应该使城市党组织和城市文化团体经常下农村,促进农村的文化建设;应该使机关工作者努力学习业务知识,促进管理文化的建设.     

比较史学视野下的列宁与威尔逊的"民族自决权"思想

无产阶级的伟大导师列宁和美国前总统威尔逊20世纪初在继承前人思想并结合当时国际和国内政治需要的基础上,相继阐发了自己对"民族自决权"的理解,形成了各自的"民族自决权"思想.他们的思想顺应了世界民族民主运动的历史潮流,在内涵的阐释及对世界的影响方面有相似之处;但由于阶级利益和意识形态的差异导致了目的、视角和结果的迥异.     

列宁是如何执行民主集中制的

列宁是民主集中制原则的创立者，也是共产党执行民主集中制的楷模。为了全面贯彻民主集中制，加强社会主义民主和法制，当前研究、学习列宁执行民主集中制的经验仍有重大的现实意义。     

Cosmetic agreements and the cracks beneath: ideological convergences and divergences in US and EU democracy promotion in civil society

This piece examines the substance of EU democracy promotion from a comparative point of view and from a perspective placing under inquiry the meaning of the idea of liberal democracy itself. Instead of assuming that the democratic ideal that the EU promotes (‘liberal democracy’) has a clear, fixed meaning, the article examines in detail what actually constitutes the ‘ideal of democracy’ at the heart of EU democracy promotion, and compares this vision to that which informs the democracy promotion of the US. It argues that interesting differences, and shifts and oscillations, in the models of liberal democracy that the EU and the US promote exist and that these are important to note in order for us to fully appreciate how the substance of EU and US democracy support can be shaped by conceptual and ideological debate on the meaning of democracy. This dynamic is particularly relevant today, in the context of the recent attempts to develop transatlantic dialogue on democracy support. This dialogue, it is suggested, plasters over some subtle but important ideological cracks over what is meant by democracy in EU and US democracy support.     

The evolution of South Africa's democracy promotion in Africa: from idealism to pragmatism

South Africa is an emerging power with fairly strong democratic institutions that were crafted during the transition from minority to majority rule twenty years ago. How has South Africa used its position and power to promote democracy in Africa? Against the backdrop of debates on democracy promotion by emerging powers, this article probes attempts by successive post-apartheid governments to promote democracy in Africa. We argue that although democracy promotion featured prominently in South Africa's policy towards Africa in the immediate post-apartheid period under Nelson Mandela, the administrations of Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma faltered in advancing democratic norms. This is largely because South Africa has confronted pressures to maximize pragmatic national interests, which have compromised a democratic ethos in a continental environment where these values have yet to find steady footing.     

Singapore 40 years on. Slow road to democracy

Singapore got a new Prime Minister in August 2004 - only the third one since 1959, and incidently the son of the first. The ruling People’s Action Party appears as firmly in power as ever before. However, under that apparent immobility, very significant changes have taken place since a decade. They did not affect (yet?) the core of the political system, and its compulsive authoritarianism, but otherwise the atmosphere is simply no more the same. Liberalization has especially affected culture and private life. But, since 2001, the new threat of terrorism has put into question the always delicate ethnic equilibrium. It could also slow or even stop the timid political opening.     

Negotiated transitions to democracy: Israel and the Palestinians as a case study

This article applies the Huntingtonian framework used by Jung and Shapiro to study South Africa's democratic transition to the Israeli‐Palestinian case. While leaders’ incentives pushed negotiators towards a highly inclusive constitutional order in South Africa, in the Israeli‐Palestinian case they pushed negotiators towards a highly exclusive order, crafted by means of a unique and bizarre but as yet unstudied electoral system. While the Palestinian entity may develop into a full‐fledged democracy in the long run, in the medium term it will not be truly democratic because political life affords no room for legitimate opposition. The findings suggest that transplacements in which the outgoing power does not plan to participate in the new political system may generally lead to highly exclusive political orders.     

Confining conditions and breaking with the past: Historical legacies and political learning in transitions to democracy

Historical factors have more often been assumed than explored in democratization studies. Their importance has been acknowledged broadly in reference to matters of change and continuity, including the effects of predecessor dictatorships on transition trajectories. But historical factors can have varied and sometimes persistent influences on the democratization process as a whole. These influences therefore need examining in a systematic way that considers also their implications for democratic consolidation. Developing from Kirchheimer's thesis of ‘confining conditions and revolutionary breakthroughs’, the discussion turns to forms of interaction and the changing balance between past impacts and the dynamics and changing agenda of regime change. A three‐part approach is presented and applied: historical patterns and historical memory; historical legacies and ‘overcoming the past'; and, then, political ‘learning’ and its ability to look to the future. It is generally argued that focusing on ‘history’ opens up new avenues in the study of regime change.     

From self-reliant churches to self-governing communities: comparing the indigenization of Christianity and democracy in sub-Saharan Africa

Christian missionaries, especially from Anglo-American Protestant denominations, have been remarkably successful in their effort to plant ‘self-propagating, self-supporting, self-governing’ churches throughout the world and especially in sub-Saharan Africa. Today's international non-governmental organizations and inter-governmental organizations engaged in development, humanitarian assistance, peace-building and human rights resemble ‘secular missionaries’ spreading their gospel of democracy, good governance, peace, justice and sustainable development. This article investigates the extent to which today's secular missionaries might learn from the indigenization of Christianity in sub-Saharan Africa. I conclude that an essential ingredient in the missionary strategy of evangelization is conspicuously absent in contemporary programmes of development, democratization, or peace-building. In particular, the extensive efforts devoted by Protestant missionaries to the translation of their Biblical message into local languages and symbolic repertoires bear little resemblance to efforts to transplant Western ideals of universal human rights or the institutional templates of democratic governance first developed in the United States and Western Europe.     

Organisational change from two perspectives: gender and organisational development

By exploring two approaches to organizational change, gender and organizational development (OD), the author argues that OD is flawed since it perpetuates existing gender inequalities by failing to address them. By contrast, the gender approach brings change both for women and for men and is contextualized in a broader agenda of social transformation. Analysis of how power is gendered is the critical starting point. While gender is not disconnected from other forms of oppression--such as race and class--special attention needs to be given to gender because experience has shown it gets lost. This article seeks to contribute to breaking new ground in theory and practice in order to promote organizations that are both equitable and effective.     

Collective memory of the Spanish civil war: The case of the political amnesty in the Spanish transition to democracy

This article focuses on two interrelated, but relatively ignored, factors in the Spanish transition to democracy (1975–78): first, the most important political mobilizations of the period in which the people demanded an amnesty for the political prisoners of the dictatorship; second, the presence of a collective memory of the Spanish civil war (1936–39), whose repetition was now to be avoided at all costs. It argues that the many collective actions that took place in Spain in favour of an amnesty were, to a great extent, inspired by a widespread desire for reconciliation among Spaniards. Spanish society had suffered a deep split as a consequence of the civil war and, because of the presence of the Francoist regime, no symbolic measures to reach national reconciliation had taken place. The climate generated by the often violent confrontations between police and demonstrators (and not only during demonstrations in favour of the amnesty), and the number of resulting deaths and injuries, made the people remember the serious problems of public order that had confronted the Second Republic (1931–36), whose collapse marked the beginning of the Spanish civil war. These factors help explain why the main political parties of the left felt the need to contain the very mobilization process that they had helped to create. The generous amnesty of October 1977, passed by a democratically elected parliament, was interpreted as the symbolic overcoming of the division among Spaniards that resulted from the dramatic civil confrontation of the 1930s.