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1.
This article reconstructs the interwar discourse of international relations among American political scientists and seeks to challenge the orthodox view that the scholarship of this period was essentially idealist in nature. It aims to make a contribution to the growing body of literature devoted to examining the institutional history of international relations. My purpose is to demonstrate that the conventional label of idealism that has been attached to the interwar period of international relations scholarship seriously misrepresents the actual character of the conversation that was being directed toward understanding international politics. By carefully reconstructing the internal discourse of the field, many of the field's long forgotten individuals and ideas are brought back to life. The article concludes by highlighting some of the lessons that the interwar discourse offers to the study of international relations today and argues that this period cannot be construed as idealist.  相似文献   

2.
本文首先对英国学派的国际社会理论进行了梳理,详细分析了国际体系、国际社会和世界社会的关系,并用此分析冷战后的中国—东盟关系。本文认为中国—东盟之间还没有形成成熟的国际社会,主要依据有:两者缺乏共同的核心价值观,两者关系的机制化程度不高。所以,要改善中国与东盟的关系,至少做到:加强中国与东盟的跨文化交流,真正发挥双边国际制度的作用。  相似文献   

3.
A study of a neglected period in British foreign policy serves to question schematic approaches to the history of international relations and to underline the indeterminacy felt by contemporaries, and their sense of the roles of contingency and personality. The problems faced then in conceptualizing international relations can be mirrored today.  相似文献   

4.
霸权是国际关系的伴生物。农业社会霸权国家具有明显的军事强权特性,工业社会霸权国家具有明显的工业强权特性,信息社会霸权国家初步显形知识霸权的特性。数字鸿沟的浮现使得国际关系中的知识霸权凸现,成为发达国家获利、强国和称霸的利器,科学的认识和探讨知识霸权对当代国际关系的影响具有重要的理论和现实意义。  相似文献   

5.
Though race is most commonly associated with domestic politics, the concept itself was born in the transnational realm. This article conceptualizes race as a system of global power relations that has changed over time, manifests differently across space and exists on multiple analytical levels. Drawing from the insights of international relations, comparative politics and critical race theory, it argues that race is a transnational norm or idea that can independently affect both domestic policy outcomes and international relations among nation-states. The article explores several promising avenues of research in the examination of the varied manifestations of race in international and domestic realms and ends with a brief discussion of continuing challenges and future research agendas in the comparative and international study of race.  相似文献   

6.
In the aftermath of the September 11th terrorist attacks it is not unreasonable for scholars of international relations to begin to question whether existing paradigms continue to be of relevance in understanding the structure and process of the international system. This article focuses on Samuel Huntington's clash of civilisations paradigm to determine whether it may provide a more meaningful and persuasive lens to view the world after September 11th, by undertaking a thorough analysis of its underlying assumptions. This paper will argue that the clash of civilisations paradigm suffers from a number of serious weaknesses, particularly in its causal arguments, that undermine its usefulness and relevance to increasing our understanding of international relations generally, let alone international relations after September 11th.  相似文献   

7.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):155-178
International relations scholars need to look beyond the national level because U.S. states and governors are increasingly important actors in world politics. One way to look at their international activities is by examining the ways in which U.S. states seek to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), just one research puzzle at the nexus of international relations and U.S. state politics, two fields that rarely talk to one another. After pointing out the gaps within theories from international relations and international political economy, this paper describes the evolving global roles of both U.S. states and governors and shows how U.S. states attract FDI through the use of their international offices and governor-led overseas missions. Empirical findings indicate that U.S. states' international offices and a higher level of economic interdependence help states attract FDI, and the paper argues that extension of institutional approaches from IPE may be valuable for future research about the international capabilities of subnational governments and their leaders.  相似文献   

8.
“9·11”事件与东北亚地区间的大国关系   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
高科 《东北亚论坛》2002,(1):55-57,61
恐怖主义在世纪交替之际成为国际政治舞台上的一个突出现象,“ 9·11”事件引发的美国反恐怖主义战争,从本质上来说带有“宗教战争”的色彩,这就注定了要铲除国际恐怖主义的根源不是一朝一夕所能完成的。“ 9·11”事件引发的东北亚地区间大国关系的调整以及对该地区政局的影响,可以被看作是全球政治舞台上大国关系调整的一个缩影。  相似文献   

9.
An analysis of the ways in which different composite monarchies conducted international relations in the eighteenth century reveals the interplay of structure and contingency in shaping change and the discussion of change. Hanover-Britain is compared with Saxony-Poland. Considering Britain as an example of a polity created and shaped by a dynastic personal union redresses teleological tendencies in the treatment of international relations and offers an important perspective.  相似文献   

10.
In this essay, we argue that race has yet to be integrated as an analytical category shaping the study and teaching of international relations. We suggest that although the issues of race and gender are systematically coded into central concepts in the discipline, they are made invisible through a "series of ontological and epistemological maneuvers." Focusing on two concepts central to the discipline—sovereignty and the nation-state—we suggest that race can be better integrated into the teaching of international relations by focusing on the ways in which these maneuvers structure the geographies and politics of exclusion and inclusion in international relations. We conclude that raising questions about the ways in which race is taught in the academy is in itself critical—what we teach, how we teach, and who teaches are all questions that need repeated airing for achieving interpretative autonomy as well as a transformative politics.  相似文献   

11.
中日四份政治文件代表着中日关系发展的主要脉络,两国从结束敌对状态、建立邦交关系发展到战略互惠关系经历了曲折复杂的过程。从第四份政治文件的签署到现在已有十多年,随着中国“一带一路”倡议的深化实施、美国从“亚太再平衡”到“印太战略”的调整、日本追求战略性外交的努力等,国际形势、地缘政治格局、国家能力和心态早已发生了深刻变化。本文以新古典现实主义为基础,根据当今国际政治发展现状构建了新的理论模型,从体系层次、国家层次和个人层次上来解析中日关系发展的历史和趋势,得出当今国际社会已经具备了升级中日两国关系的新的时代契机和因素。中日关系的深化、合作领域的拓展、合作程度的加深将是中日未来发展的必然趋势,也将对东亚地区乃至国际社会的稳定繁荣具有重要的现实意义。  相似文献   

12.
What kind of international relations research gets published in the field's most recognized journals? Who are its authors? This study investigates the subject matter, methodology, and origin of recent research published in top international relations journals, building on earlier work that has investigated the contents of journals. This study investigates the contents of three international relations journals— International Studies Quarterly , International Organization , and World Politics — which have been consistently ranked as the top three journals in international relations. Data are for the ten most recent completed volume years, 1995–2004. This study finds that international relations scholarship in these three journals focuses on a relatively narrow range of subjects and is produced by a rather homogeneous group of scholars.  相似文献   

13.
14.
苏东剧变结束了二战以来的雅尔塔体制,也结束了冷战秩序。震荡之后,世界在经济和科技的发展带动之下,开启了真正意义的全球化大门,不再有两个阵营之间的固定壁垒,取而代之的是世界上的任何国际行为主体间都有了交流与合作的自由。国际社会体系的这种重大而深刻的变革对世界新秩序的形成造成了极大的冲击,各种力量重新调整彼此之间的关系,探索自身发挥影响所能达到的限度,寄希望于在新的世界秩序中占据有利地位。正是在这样一个格局转变的时刻,国家对于利益的追求方式也在做出新的选择。  相似文献   

15.
An analysis of the ways in which different composite monarchies conducted international relations in the eighteenth century reveals the interplay of structure and contingency in shaping change and the discussion of change. Hanover-Britain is compared with Saxony-Poland. Considering Britain as an example of a polity created and shaped by a dynastic personal union redresses teleological tendencies in the treatment of international relations and offers an important perspective.  相似文献   

16.
联盟作为具有战略意义的一种国家间关系,对其研究在国际关系理论中占据了一个十分重要的位置,也有助于学者们将具有普遍意义的国际关系理论运用于具体的国际关系研究。围绕着联盟的起源这一主题,理性主义国际关系理论提出了许多重要的见解。在最近的十多年来,这一主题的研究又与单极体系内的联盟现实相结合,提出和分析了如下方面的核心问题:联盟需要什么样的共同利益基础;制衡性的联盟为何没有出现;国际结构如何塑造大国的联盟选择;地理因素如何影响联盟的形成以及联盟起源的其他根源有哪些。理性主义国际关系理论的这些研究都具有一定的启发意义,但总的来看,现实主义范式的研究占据了主流地位,系统性的理论创新不够,并没有提出解释联盟起源的新的核心概念,即如果把联盟界定为一种明确、稳定的战略关系,而非仅仅是针对安全威胁的军事同盟的话,仅有结构现实主义和威胁平衡理论是不够的;联盟起源的理论研究仍然具有较为广阔的空间。建构一种更加普遍的、有强大解释力的利益关系概念,在此基础上推导出国家的联盟选择战略,将会有助于更加具体深入地了解联盟的起源。  相似文献   

17.
中非关系已成为建构中的国际关系框架的重要内容。中非合作关系的快速发展促进了对中非关系的研究。在研究中,不同学科并不会互相冲突,反而可以互补。对中非关系的研究既可以从不同的角度来选题,也可以用不同学科的方法来解释。研究资料的获取需要利用各种不同的渠道。中非关系的研究提升了国人对非洲的认知,促进了学术与社会需求的结合,并推动了中国学界与国际学界的交流。当前,中非关系研究的缺陷表现在驳论多,立论少;宏观多,微观少;整体多,个案少;说教多,说理少。学者应尽量保持客观中立的立场,只有这样,其研究成果才能真正体现学术的价值。  相似文献   

18.
中国、美国、东盟三边关系自形成至今,经历了几个不同的发展阶段,每个阶段都有不同的内涵。当前的中国、美国、东盟三边关系较为典型地反映了当今国际社会国家间矛盾与共同利益并存的复杂局面,因而形成于冷战时期的传统三边关系理论无法对其进行合理的解释。未来中国、美国、东盟三边关系的发展将受中美关系的走势、东亚区域一体化、中国的发展及其对外战略的选择3个关键因素的影响,其走势较为乐观。  相似文献   

19.
Do dramatic events in international relations (IR) signal fundamental changes in political behavior? How do international relations texts address change, and what are the implications of textbook design for the way that we teach undergraduate introductions to the field? This article provides an initial inquiry into these questions by surveying a sample of five international relations texts. Rather than seek to pick the best book, the article examines the methods by which the textbook authors balance theory versus facts, as well as stasis versus change, in formulating introductory frameworks. This analysis is motivated by way of a general comparison of the sample texts with Organski's (1958) text, World Politics . Finally, the author discusses the strengths and weaknesses of different balancing strategies, and the implications of these strategies for teaching introductions to international relations.  相似文献   

20.
今年中方的出席具有特殊意义,因为我和我的同事是从前线而来。中国政府正在习近平主席坚强领导下,全力抗击一场突如其来的新型疫情,14亿中国人民团结一心,投身到这场没有硝烟的战争之中。我们决心守护武汉,守护湖北,守护与病毒抗争的每一位骨肉同胞,坚决打赢这场疫情阻击战。  相似文献   

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