论宪政与民主

宪政与民主是两种不同的理论 ,二者存在着差别 ,也存在着契合。民主与宪政都是现代政制的基础。然而 ,民主强调公民的参政权和政治秩序 ,宪政强调对政府(国家权力 )的限制和防范。这一区别使二者的互相补充与结合成为必要。也就是说 ,理想的政制是民主与宪政的结合 ,即宪政民主。     

Governance,Democracy and Constitutionalism in Africa: The Malawi Experiment

Against the backdrop of the emergence and evolution of copyright law in Nigeria, a weak strain is inherent in the nature of protection it offers. The limitation of copyright law to the expression of an idea rather than the idea itself begs for a complementary species in this genus of intellectual property. The centrepiece of this work, therefore, is to explore the legal protection of ideas by illuminating the prospects in the law of confidence which push the envelope as far as the tentacles of copyright law are concerned.     

政治文明建设与民主、法治、宪政、人权

修改宪法写入政治文明建设及国家尊重和保障人权条款,标志着我国社会主义民主、法治、宪政、人权事业进入一个新的建设时期。本文论述了对我国政治文明建设的理解及其与民主、法治、宪政、人权的关系,并对存在的问题作出了分析。     

民主与宪政关系的历史检视——以英美与法德之间的比较为线索

民主与宪政分别有着各自的内涵与特质,共时性地概念化、形而上地谈论民主与宪政的关系,可能会遮蔽和忽略掉一些历时性问题.文章以英美与法德之间的比较为线索,通过历时态地考察近现代英美法德四国的民主乃至整个政制绩效不同的深层原因,发现问题的关键可能不在于民主而在于是否有宪政:英美两国的民主是继承宪政基础上的宪政民主,法德两国的民主则是在建立全权制基础上的无宪政民主,宪政有无对英美法德四国民主乃至整个政制绩效的不同产生了根本性影响.纵览英美两国从宪政到宪政民主与法德两国由民主到宪政民主的政制形态发展历程,可得出基本认识:优良政制建设的关键是必要的宪政优位,民主只能对宪政给予补充而不能作为其替代,更不能作为其否定.     

自由、宪政及其关系——解读中国宪政运动的自由之结

自由是近现代西方社会的基本价值,是其政治、经济、文化的基石和源泉。宪政是在自由基础上建立起来的政治体制,自由乃宪政之根。对近现代中国而言,宪政的困境有两个一是社会价值系统的缺失,传统中国很难发掘出用来构筑宪政制度的思想资源;二是历史语境的错位,在严酷的二十世纪里,中国的宪政建设并不具备适宜和充分的条件。中国宪政制度的生机寄托于这两大困境的消除。     

Constitutions,Constitutionalism, and the European Union

The institutional reforms of the EU, coupled with the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, have fuelled the debate about a European Constitution. This paper begins by examining the nature of constitutions and constitutionalism. The focus then turns to the EU itself. It is argued that the Community has indeed been transformed into a constitutional legal order, and that the arguments to the contrary are not convincing. This does not however mean that the EU has, or should have, a European Constitution cognisable as such which draws together the constitutional articles of the Treaties, together with the constitutional principles articulated by the European Court of Justice. The difficulties with this strategy are examined in detail, and the conclusion is that we should not at present pursue this course. It would be better to draw on the valuable work done by the European University Institute in its recent study in order to simplify and consolidate the Treaties.     

Constitutionalising Enlargement, Enlarging Constitutionalism

Abstract:   The relationship between the present enlargement and the development of an active constitutional discourse in the EU is a complex one. On the one hand, it may appear that the pre-existence and the current extension of the constitutional acquis threatens to confront the enlargement countries, many of whom are understandably jealous of their recently won constitutional autonomy, with a fait accompli whereby their membership of the club is conditional upon acceptance of an already mature constitutional doctrine and culture. On the other hand, EU constitutional discourse is by no means a closed book, or one which systematically favours old members over new. Rather, it remains an open-textured and provisional affair which is bound to address certain deep-rooted and urgent tensions over institutional design and fundamental values and which may do so in a manner that combats rather than accentuates the possibility of discrimination against the new members. In this regard, the current Convention on the Future of Europe and the Intergovernmental Conference to which it is directed represent a key episode in the ongoing development of the EU's constitutional identity.     

无诉讼即无宪政

宪法之生命在于宪政 ,而宪政之精髓则在于法治 ,惟法治之精神方可葆宪政生命之树长青。宪法诉讼既是宪政法治存在的基本标志 ,也是宪政法治实现的必要条件 ,因此说 ,没有宪法诉讼 ,就没有宪政。     

Process, Responsibility and Inclusion in EU Constitutionalism

This paper it looks at some of the normative questions which frame debates about the EU constitutional architecture. Its main objective is to identify the core facets of a 'responsible and inclusive EU constitutionalism', and to argue for a focus on process, freedom, fairness and democracy as well as formal constitution–building within the debates inside and outside the Convention running up to the Intergovernmental Conference anticipated for 2003/2004. A model using the work of Canadian political theorist James Tully is constructed. The paper applies this framework in order to analyse some aspects of the work of the Convention on the Future of the Union, looking especially at questions of autonomy, representativity, internal dynamics, deliberation, receptiveness, and decision–making. The interim conclusion is drawn that the Convention method contains within itself the seeds of a critical and reflexive approach to EU constitutionalism.     

Waldron, Waluchow and the Merits of Constitutionalism

In this article, I critically evaluate the positions of ProfessorsJeremy Waldron and W.J. Waluchow on the right-based merits ofentrenched constitutions and strong judicial review. I supportWaluchow in arguing that (i) prohibitions on the constitutionalentrenchment of rights and resultant prohibitions of strongjudicial review may be only superficially fair or democratic,since fair procedure alone can neither eliminate pre-existinginequalities nor ultimately take the autonomy vital to self-governanceseriously (whether individual or collective). Secondly, (ii)if deep dissensus fails to exist on all substantive mattersof rights, the constitutional entrenchment of rights combinedwith strong judicial review can indeed be achieved fairly. Ithen propose that (iii) the anti-constitutionalist concern aboutbeing governed by the ‘dead hand of the past’ isself-refuting, for the alternative is simply another constrainton autonomy. While this is largely consistent with Waluchow'sposition vis-à-vis Waldron's majoritarianism, I end byexpressing serious concerns regarding whether the common law(and the ‘constitutional morality’ that Waluchowclaims can be derived from it) can act as a sufficiently robustbasis for the protection of liberal and egalitarian rights.     

Women's Rights, the European Court, and Supranational Constitutionalism

This analysis examines supranational constitutionalism in the European Union (EU). In particular, the study focuses on the role of the European Court of Justice in the creation of women's rights. I examine the interaction between the Court and member state governments in legal integration, and also the integral role that women's advocates—both individual activists and groups—have played in the development of EU social provisions. The findings suggest that this litigation dynamic can have the effect of fueling the integration process by creating new rights that may empower social actors and EU organizations, with the ultimate effect of diminishing member state government control over the scope and direction of EU law. This study focuses specifically on gender equality law yet provides a general framework for examining the case law in subsequent legal domains, with the purpose of providing a more nuanced understanding of supranational governance and constitutionalism.     

立宪的“药方”——张君劢的清末宪政想象

1907年《论今后民党之进行》与《国会与政党》是张君劢清末立宪主张的深化,充分展示了张氏的清末宪政想象.它具有开明专制的面相和民主的底色,是一张介于古典与现代之间的立宪"药方".     

共和与民主宪政

共和国是千百年来政治法律家们所追求的政权组织形式。共和主义可以使各种社会政治资源得以充分利用。民主是人民当家作主 ,自己决定自己的事业 ,是近现代人们所推崇的政体的主流形式。宪政主义的核心是废除绝对主权 ,强调对宪法限制统治权 ,确认并保护人民的权利。共和与民主并不矛盾 ,民主是共和的重要组成部分 ,没有民主就没有共和 ,但民主必须受到节制 ,共和必须接受民主的洗礼 ,民主共和必须由宪法予以确认。在宪政的体制下发扬民主 ,完善共和 ,是建设现代文明国家的基本要求。     

宪政与司法:刑事诉讼中的权力配置与运行研究

本文以宪政为背景,以司法审查为进路,阐述了现代法治国家刑事司法领域内的行政权力的特性及其与司法权的关系,并就我国的侦查权与检察权的定位进行了分析与检讨,认为二者作为行政权力,具有“范围宽泛”和“不受制约”的特点。作者认为,应当按照“有限政府”与“权利保障”的宪政要求,在我国建立司法审查制度,通过实行司法令状和非法证据排除等措施,规范和制约我国的侦查权与检察权,以实现宪法“保障人权”的目标。