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《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):133-140
In the present age of burgeoning population growth, world‐wide famine, worsening energy crises, and natural resource depletion, two realizations have become evident: the earth's resources are finite; and the world community is very interdependent. This finity, the interrelatedness, and their implications for the global environment can be studied by using three models: (1) the environmental crisis model, depicting the impact linkages between crisis areas; (2) an international feedback model, illustrating possible repercussions on the international political system if restorative‐preventive environmental measures are procrastinated; and (3) the United Nations machinery model, setting out the functional apparatus designed to deal with the eco‐crisis on a global scale. We have reached an environmental cross‐roads‐a time for deliberate decision‐making and policy implementation. We must accomplish a readjustment of social, economic, and technical priorities and perspectives‐in short, a functional approach where national governments and international organizations act in concert to restore and safeguard the human environment. 相似文献
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Eiji Yamashita 《Asia Europe Journal》2009,7(1):109-125
The central framework of Asian integration is ASEAN+3 and, since its first Summit meeting in 1997, it has advanced regional
integration in East Asia. Based on the direct experience of the author, this article presents a critical assessment of the
progress made over the past ten years and argues that the ‘Singapore Declaration’ of 2007 is not ambitious enough for the
future. An East Asian customs union (EACU) and common regional market should be the next targets for trade integration. In
terms of monetary integration, Asia should aim for de-dollarisation and to achieve this it is crucially important to create
a regional Asian monetary system (AMS).
相似文献
Eiji YamashitaEmail: |
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《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):369-374
The relationship between regional integration and global integration is rarely attempted by scholars perhaps because the former appears to have had little impact upon the latter. Those who do examine the theoretical aspects of the relationship are inclined to argue that regional integration is dysfunctional for global integration because it may lead to interregional conflict. There is also the argument that the more unified regions become the more likely will there arise a lack of interest in global collaboration. On the other hand it is possible that in the next twenty‐five to fifty years an array of regionally unified blocs could function cooperatively on the basis of a system of regional coexistence supported by inter‐regional nuclear deterrence. This may not promote global integration but it could contribute to a semblance of order in a future global system. 相似文献
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Bice Maiguashca 《Global Society》2006,20(2):115-136
The central purpose of this paper is to outline what I take to be the distinctive contributions that a feminist understanding of politics can offer to the study of social movements in general and the “anti-globalisation movement” in particular. In other words, my objective is not to provide a theoretical or empirical account of anti-globalisation politics but rather to explore how one would go about constructing such an account if one allowed feminist insights to guide one's research. In this sense, then, I am interested in drawing out the kinds of questions that feminists would ask about this movement, the lines of inquiry that they would open up and the personal and academic worries and problems that may arise while pursuing this research. 相似文献
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Wooyeal Paik 《Asia Europe Journal》2016,14(4):417-434
This paper tries to explain the evolving relations between the recent domestic political changes in Myanmar and the role of regional integration as they affect human rights in Myanmar. I posit that the two most important causes of the humanitarian crisis in Myanmar are the survival of the authoritarian regime and ethnic-religious conflicts. Those causes differ in nature and their political interactions with the ASEAN regional integration. This paper first examines the relationship between authoritarian regime survival and the humanitarian crisis/efforts during the 2008 natural disaster of cyclone Nargis and the resultant flooding. Second, I investigate the political dynamics of the human rights violations of ethnic and religious minorities, especially the Rohingya Muslim minority in the Rakhine State, during Myanmar’s recent democratic transition. This study approaches the aforementioned questions from both the EU and ASEAN perspectives and also deals with these two regional organizations’ interactions regarding Myanmar’s human rights. 相似文献
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Ulrich Volz 《Asia Europe Journal》2013,11(4):355-376
The debt crisis in several member states of the euro area has raised doubts on the viability of the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and the future of the euro. While the launch of the euro in 1999 stirred a lot of interests in regional monetary integration and even monetary unification in various parts of the world, including East Asia, the current crisis has had the opposite effect, even raising expectations of a break-up of the euro area. Indeed, the crisis has highlighted the problems and tensions that will inevitably arise within a monetary union when imbalances build up and become unsustainable. This article discusses the causes of the current European crisis and the challenges that EMU countries face in solving it. Based on this analysis, it derives five lessons for regional financial and monetary cooperation and integration in East Asia. 相似文献
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跨国公司的迅速发展已经成为当代国际关系领域的一个重要现象。对跨国公司这个新兴的国际行为体而言,伦理的重要性越来越明显。跨国公司在穿越国界的同时,面临着不同地域、不同文化以及不同利益所产生的不同伦理规则之间的碰撞和冲突,伦理冲突成为企业跨国经营成败的一个重要影响因素。西方跨国公司的伦理管理机制和沟通机制对于解决公司的伦理冲突具有较强的可操作性和可复制性,尤其是沟通作为伦理机制中的一个主要方法和手段,对跨国公司具有战略意义,对中国企业也有一定的借鉴作用。 相似文献
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Sanen Marshall 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(3):347-360
This paper explains the systemic pressures on states in Europe and Southeast Asia to broaden their alliances after the end
of the Cold War, and how expansion impacts on regional integration. Inter-state cooperation is still very much the basis of
regional integration. In Europe, states will scuttle attempts at deepening integration if this threatens their security, as
the recent political impasse in the European Union reveals. In Southeast Asia, by contrast, the threat to the security of
states arises from their failure to deepen economic integration in order to survive an anarchic world financial system. This
failure is due to entrenched internal constraints that prevents closer inter-state cooperation and the pooling of sovereignty.
Thus, while attempts to move into the area of political union will be resisted by states eager to maintain their sovereignty,
the inability to advance into the area of monetary union can only lead to demise of states.
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Sanen MarshallEmail: |
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Gunter Schubert 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(2):263-280
The so-called `Taiwan question' remains to be one of the most serious security issues in international politics. Although
economic integration and cultural–scientific exchange between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland are intensifying, a future military
conflict between the two sides can't be ruled out. The main obstacle for cross-Strait détente is the problem of Taiwanese
sovereignty. This article argues that bilateral negotiations can't be brought back on track if they are not based on a conceptual
framework that tackles Taiwanese sovereignty instead of avoiding it. By discussing some paradigmatic proposals made in recent
years, it is held that the European experience of voluntary integration might serve as a suitable blueprint for a peaceful
solution of the `Taiwan question'. The article pleads for a new EU Taiwan policy that is based on the promotion of integration
between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. This policy should be actively pursued in all relevant international fora, especially
in the context of ASEM and the EU-China summits. 相似文献
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自1989年至今,亚太经合组织(APEC)各经济体在APEC框架下进行了一系列多边能源合作,涉及能源效率与节能、新能源及可再生能源、能源运输及基础设施建设等诸多方面.APEC已经形成相对完整的能源合作机制及兼具原则性和灵活性的合作原则.APEC多边能源合作受地缘政治关系的影响比较大,区域内各经济体由于自身条件而在其中发挥着不同的作用.中国已经广泛参加国际多边能源合作,APEC多边能源合作是其中最为重要的一环. 相似文献
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T. G. Otte 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2000,11(1):271-290
Niall Ferguson, The Pity of War (London: Allen Lane/The Penguin Press, 1998). xlv + 623 pp., £18.99 (hb), ISBN 0-713-99246-8.
Niall Ferguson (ed.), Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals (London: Picador, 1997). 548 pp., £20 (hb), ISBN 0-330-35132-X. 相似文献
Niall Ferguson (ed.), Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals (London: Picador, 1997). 548 pp., £20 (hb), ISBN 0-330-35132-X. 相似文献