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H. E. Chehabi 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2001,12(1):89-106
America and Iran have not had diplomatic relations for two decades. In May 1997 the election of Mohammad Khatami, a reformist, to Iran's presidency provided an opening for a cautious rapprochement. Khatami advocated people-to-people contacts between the two nations to break the ice, and the United States agreed. After critically evaluating the idea of people-to-people contacts and discussing the role of the large Iranian diaspora in America as a mediator between the peoples of the two countries, this article examines the sports diplomacy that resulted from Khatami's initiative. It concludes with a comparison with the ping pong diplomacy that heralded the thaw in US-Chinese relations. 相似文献
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George Klay Kieh Jr. 《政治交往》2013,30(2):61-72
Abstract This paper probes the use of propaganda by the U.S. government as a device for generating domestic public support for its invasion of Panama. The findings indicate that the government did succeed in influencing domestic public opinion. What accounted for the success? First, through the propaganda technique of selection, the U.S. government carefully chose those “facts” that supported its predetermined objective of removing General Manuel Noriega from power. Concomitantly, it concealed the information that would have undermined the veracity of its story: (1) the fact that Noriega was its Frankenstein monster; (2) its poor record on democracy in Panama; (3) the fact that there was no serious threat to American lives or interests; (4) the enormous human and material carnage occasioned by the invasion; and (5) the various violations of international law. Further, the traditional sources of public influence—the Democratic party, major opposition party to the Republicans, and the American press—failed to provide competing perspectives. In fact, they joined the government's propaganda bandwagon. The result was that the American public became convinced that the Bush administration's “official story” was the truth. 相似文献
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Jan Hornat 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2016,29(2):425-443
The Indian Ocean is increasingly becoming the point of focus in assessing Asia's future security challenges. As both India and China are building up their naval presence in the Indian Ocean and as China's stakes in the region (protecting its maritime trade) interact with India's aspirations (being the regional dominant power and security provider), tensions are likely to rise. The United States has an established role in the Indian Ocean, and its approach to the contestation between Indian and Chinese interests may play a key role in limiting frictions. These developments have led many analysts to foresee the emergence of a balance of power system in the Indian Ocean region and East Asia which would be comparable to that of nineteenth-century Europe. In presenting the interplay between the three major stakeholders in the Indian Ocean, this paper aims to outline the implications of a balance of power system in the Indian Ocean region and demonstrate that it may not guarantee peace and stability, but, with regard to Organski's ‘power transition’ theory, could lead to quite the contrary. 相似文献
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Steven Grogan Author Vitae 《Orbis》2009,53(4):685-704
This article outlines Chinese strategic nuclear forces and the Chinese philosophical approach to nuclear security. It then focuses on the domestic conditions in China which could precipitate vulnerabilities to its nuclear forces. From information about internal security conditions in China, specific internal threats to Chinese nuclear security will be derived. Based on these threats, several outsider and insider scenarios will be outlined involving a variety of terrorist or terrorist related behaviors. These notional scenarios will include everything from overrun or attack, to diversion, to cyber terrorism, to sabotage. The article will then cover what these scenarios and the possible Chinese reaction to them may mean for the security, military and diplomatic strategies of the United States. 相似文献
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中国、美国、东盟三边关系自形成至今,经历了几个不同的发展阶段,每个阶段都有不同的内涵。当前的中国、美国、东盟三边关系较为典型地反映了当今国际社会国家间矛盾与共同利益并存的复杂局面,因而形成于冷战时期的传统三边关系理论无法对其进行合理的解释。未来中国、美国、东盟三边关系的发展将受中美关系的走势、东亚区域一体化、中国的发展及其对外战略的选择3个关键因素的影响,其走势较为乐观。 相似文献
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任何理论问题的探究都植根于一定的时代背景.当今经济全球化以前所未有的深度、广度改变着人类生活的多维层面,全球性联系要求民主化的国际合作,全球性问题需要民主化的国际协调,全球性挑战呼唤民主化的解决方式.民主化成为当代国际关系发展的客观要求与基本趋势. 相似文献
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The international communiry's efforts to create a global permanent penal court culminated in the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court of 1998. Although the United States of America initially signed it, it later withdrew the signature thus signalling its very strong opposition to it. This article attempts, on the one hand, to examine and analyze the US opposition from the standpoint of international relations and diplomatic law and, on the other, to determine its legaliry in the context of the law of treaties. 相似文献
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The international communiry's efforts to create a global permanent penal court culminated in the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court of 1998. Although the United States of America initially signed it, it later withdrew the signature thus signalling its very strong opposition to it. This article attempts, on the one hand, to examine and analyze the US opposition from the standpoint of international relations and diplomatic law and, on the other, to determine its legaliry in the context of the law of treaties. 相似文献
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Eric Mlyn 《European Security》2013,22(3):426-447
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This article focuses on the interplay of energy, climate change, and national security issues in Southwest Asia, using the newer definition of “national security” to include energy security, economic development, and climate change, as well as traditional security focusing on the military aspects. 相似文献
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