首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 78 毫秒
1.
2.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):390-417
A critical question in the quantitative study of war is how to choose appropriate units of analysis. While most studies link wars to the sovereign states that fight them, several authors have recently offered alternative perspectives, focusing on the the properties of rebel organizations and armies or tracking events in fine-grained geographic spaces. We contribute to these developments by introducing a new dataset of wars fought from 1816–2001 on fixed territorial units of observation that conform to the grid of states in 2001. Compared to standard datasets, we expand the geographic purview to include states not recognized by the international system. We provide location codes that identify the territories on which conflicts are fought, which is especially important for the analysis of imperial wars and colonial rebellions. We also introduce a new typology of wars based upon the aims of warring parties rather than their status in the state system. This dataset is uniquely suited to explore new questions that cannot be addressed with other datasets. To illustrate, we test an institutionalist theory of war and show empirically that the types of wars fought in a territory depend on whether it is governed as a modern nation-state, an imperial dependency, or the center of an empire.  相似文献   

3.
What impact does a shift in the global distribution of power have on the international order? According to the views of traditional realists, power transitions in the international order are usually accompanied by major wars, the best example being the two world wars of the twentieth century. China's peaceful rise is conducive to the peace and stability of Asia and Pacific regions. The steady rise of China's position and its role in dealing with international and regional problems have proved China's success in "cooperative security". This paper analyzes the security order in the Asia-Pacific region1 that China wants to construct to provide important guarantees to its peaceful rise. Firstly, I review and compare key arguments about the transition of international systems and China's Asia-Pacific strategy, Secondly, I investigate the dynamics between China's peaceful rise and the "cooperative security" which I think are the collective embodiments of modem transformation and the restructuring of China's traditional strategic culture. Thirdly, I examine how to construct a mechanism of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region to guarantee China's peaceful rise on both political and economic levels. Economic cooperation and free trade in Asia-Pacific region is an important route to regional economic integrity which will guarantee China's role in maintaining the political and economic security in the region.  相似文献   

4.
5.
What impact does a shift in the global distribution of power have on the international order? According to the views of traditional realists,power transitions in the international order are usually accompanied by major wars,the best example being the two world wars of the twentieth century.China’s peaceful rise is conducive to the peace and stability of Asia and Pacific regions.The steady rise of China’s position and its role in dealing with international and regional problems have proved China’s success in...  相似文献   

6.
Naval power is a crucial element of state power, yet existing naval data sets are limited to a small number of states and ship types. Here we present 147 years of naval data on all the world’s navies from 1865 to 2011. This country-year data set focuses on warships with ship-based weapons capable of using kinetic force to inflict damage on other structures or peoples. After identifying a country’s active naval forces, we create a measure of naval power based on the aggregate tonnage of the active ships. Additionally, we create count variables for ship types such as aircraft carriers or battleships. This article introduces the country-year data, describes variables of interests for use in country-year, dyadic, or systemic studies, and suggests potential questions of interest scholars could explore using the naval power data set.  相似文献   

7.
The reform of the United Nations is closely related with the transformation of the International system. The United Nations has made great success since it started a comprehensive reform in 2005. Such a reform is necessary both for the transition of the largest international organization in the world and transformation of the international system. The United Nations still has a long way to go in the comprehensive reform because of many factors.  相似文献   

8.
The financial crisis is having a great impact on the worldeconomic and political structure. At the same time, it has brought important opportunities to China, a country in a crucial stage of development. The crisis has demonstrated China's importance and positive role in international economy, and provided it with favorable conditions to enhance its international influence and status.  相似文献   

9.
Sovereign states remain the primary units of analysis in conflict research. Yet, the empirical record suggests that the international system includes a wider range of actors whose behavior is relevant for conflict outcomes. This article introduces De Facto States in International Politics (1945–2011), a new data set dedicated to understanding the behavior of de facto states—separatist statelike entities such as Abkhazia. I begin by explaining why de facto states deserve attention. Further, I provide a definition of the de facto state that separates it from cognate phenomena. Thereafter, I offer an overview of the data set and illustrate its utility by demonstrating how it contributes to the literatures on war and state making, civil war, and rebel governance.  相似文献   

10.
Three basic elements stand out in the international pattern:global power distribution,the system of international norms,and the transnational value systems,all of which are of vital importance in the interaction between China's rise and the future international pattern.  相似文献   

11.
The U.S. subprime mortgage crisis has rapidly developed andspread from the region to the world and from the economic and financial field to the political and social field. It has evolved into an international financial crisis with a powerful force of impact and covering a wide range of fields rarely seen in history, and has become a major historical event that has a profound impact on the United States and the world at large since the 9/11 incident. The international community generally believes that it is a crisis of the existing order and system, and calls for reform of the international financial system are unprecedentedly high. This again has led to a discussion of the reform of the international system. The impact of the crisis on the transition of the entire international system has begun to appear.  相似文献   

12.
According to the concept of the Exclusive Economic Zone(EEZ) set out in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea,the Maritime Frontierof China can be defined as extending 200 nautical miles from its coastal baseline.According to the UN principles regarding  相似文献   

13.
正Friendship can be a fragile thing,especially when divided by a thousand miles.However,in a small country in the heart of Europe,a tiny but enthusiastic group of people managed to overreach  相似文献   

14.
15.
Some of the most visible changes in the international legal system occur when treaties specify new rules or norms of behaviour for its members. Each of these is a component of what has been referred to elsewhere as the “normative system”, or the part of the international legal system that is quasi-legislative in character by mandating particular values and directing specific changes in state and other actors' behaviour. Yet the normative system is only part of the international legal system; we adopt the term “operating system” to refer to the other segment. This article identifies six different ways that extant provisions or changes in the international legal operating system condition international rule creation: (1) setting the parameters of acceptability, (2) clarifying credible commitment, (3) providing flexibility, (4) actor specification, (5) forum specification and (6) direct law-making.

  相似文献   


16.
Italy’s foreign policy is still shackled by two features inherited from its modern history: an obsessive focus on rank and prestige, and a no less delusional faith in the redemptive character of the EU and other multilateral arrangements it belongs to. The ‘middle power’ foreign policy model elaborated in the 1980s had a rationale of its own but it can hardly be adapted to the globalised world, nor can it be sustained by a deteriorated economic and societal domestic fabric. Italy has to rethink its basic national interests, adapt its foreign policy tools to new concepts of relevance and influence, and focus on a long-term, concerted effort at domestic regeneration if it is to withstand the challenges of the globalised world we live in.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

A conventional opinion is that Russia is trying to destroy the liberal international order. Russia indeed defies it, but also justifies its foreign policy with the liberal order’s normative frameworks and reproaches the West for not standing up to these norms. Moreover, Moscow does not present any alternative vision. Russia complains about the internal contradictions of the liberal order: sovereignty vs. intervention, pluralism vs. universality, US hegemony vs. equality and democracy, although it also exploits these contradictions. In fact Russia demands an adjustment of the liberal order rather than its eradication and should, therefore, be classified as a neorevisionist power. Two elements underlie Russia’s at times aggressive foreign policy conduct. The first one, its feeling of being ill-accommodated in the present order, predefines the direction of the policy. The second, the prioritisation of foreign policy over domestic reforms, explains the intensity of Russian discontent and its occasional aggressive manifestations. Russia’s domestic consensus regarding its foreign policy, including views on the liberal international order, facilitates this aggressiveness. Three policy conclusions can be drawn: acknowledging that Russia uses the inherent contradictions of the liberal international order opens up possibilities for dialogue and an eventual overcoming of the crisis; the survival and strengthening of the liberal order depends on its embrace of all major players, including Russia, and hence, the need for some adjustments to the order itself; and finally such adjustments presuppose Russia’s readiness to shoulder responsibility for the (reformed) liberal international order.  相似文献   

18.
The world is standing at a moment of historical change.All countries have to experience temporary pains produced along with the formation of a new intemational order.Consequently,more light,less heat,is called for in analyzing current power conglomerates to enhance understanding of what the historical trend is embracing,as well as what the change is dismantling.  相似文献   

19.
20.
<正>I. Features of the post-crisis global security situation 1. Non-traditional threats become more urgent and cooperation for security remains to be the mainstream trend. The international financial crisis has deepened interdependence between  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号