The political economy of exchange rate regimes in transition economies

We show that political economy factors play an important role in shaping the exchange rate policies of transition economies. We argue that tradables producers prefer a floating rate to allow active exchange rate policy to affect their competitiveness, while internationally exposed sectors prefer a fixed rate to provide currency stability. We find support for that argument using data on de facto and de jure exchange rate behavior for 21 countries during the period from 1992 to 2004. Our empirical results serve as the basis for predictions regarding the adoption of the euro in the EU accession countries and other countries in Central and Eastern Europe.     

新兴市场经济体汇率制度的选择与实践：以越南为例

在实行管理浮动汇率制度的东亚新兴市场经济体中，越南的钉住美元的倾向最为明显。本文在回顾越南钉住汇率制实践的基础上，系统地分析了钉住美元制度的货币政策考量及汇率稳定机制。最后分析了越南钉住汇率制度在实践中面临的困境及可能的改革方向。     

The political economy of labor market deregulation during IMF interventions

This study examines the relationship between policy interventions by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and de jure labor rights. Combining two novel data sets with unprecedented country-year coverage – leximetric data on labor laws and disaggregated data on IMF conditionality – our analysis of up to 70 developing countries from 1980 to 2014 demonstrates that IMF-mandated labor market policy measures significantly reduce both individual and collective labor rights. Once we control for the effect of labor market policy measures, however, we find that collective labor rights increase in the wake of IMF programs. We argue that this result is explained by the impact of union pressure on governments which, in such a context, are imbued with the policy space to respond to domestic interest groups. The study has broader theoretical implications as to when international organizations are effective in constraining governments’ choices.     

Domestic and Systemic Determinants of Capital Controls in the Developed and Developing World

This paper examines the utility of and preference for controls on short-term capital. Recent work in international political economy has argued that the increasing internationalization of finance has constrained the ability of governments to pursue independent monetary policies. For the most part this conclusion has been reached through an examination of a small number of advanced industrialized countries. This article argues not only that the globalization of finance is far from all-encompassing but also that domestic forces play a more significant role in explaining the implementation and removal of capital controls than do systemic factors. Capital controls are more likely to be put in place by governments that repress the financial sector, that choose to maintain a fixed exchange rate, and that are facing balance-of-payments crises. These propositions are tested using a random effects probit model on a panel of ninety-one countries from 1967 to 1992.     

Rights vs. Effectiveness? The Autonomy Thesis in EU Internal Security Cooperation1

Abstract

In the EU's internal security policy-making, parliamentary power remains—de jure and de facto—patchy. This situation has been (unofficially) justified by reference to the idea that the liberal constraints on executive power typically introduced by parliaments mark an irresponsible challenge to the effectiveness of policy. This essay tests this apologia, examining three cases where the retention of liberal values would actually be conducive to effectiveness: the EU-US ‘Passenger Name Register Agreement’, the elaboration of common data protection standards and the ‘Returns Directive’ on the expulsion of illegal immigrants. It suggests that the posited ‘rights/effectiveness’ incompatibility in fact masks a search for autonomy by executive participants.     

汇率及其波动与日本对华直接投资

日本是我国重要的贸易伙伴和外商直接投资来源国。影响日本企业对我国直接投资的因素可能有多种,本文拟从汇率因素切入,并以日本对华直接投资的事实数据和特征为背景,研究日元与人民币双边真实汇率对日本对华直接投资的影响。首先通过GARCH模型对双边真实汇率的波动进行测算,然后以此变量和真实汇率变量为基础,通过脉冲响应函数和方差分解技术,研究真实汇率水平及其波动对流入我国的日本FDI带来的影响。模型结果显示,双边真实汇率及其波动均对FDI产生了显著影响,而且该影响同理论预期相吻合,说明真实汇率是影响日本对华直接投资的重要因素,现阶段保持人民币汇率的相对稳定性有利于日本对华直接投资的增长。     

Institutional legitimacy in Sub-Saharan Africa

ABSTRACT

How do personal encounters with legal institutions shape citizens’ confidence in those institutions throughout sub-Saharan Africa? Using Afrobarometer’s cross-national citizen survey, we show that negative first-hand experiences with government courts and police erode citizens’ trust in those state institutions but do not tend to disrupt citizens’ perceptions of their authority to arbitrate or enforce the law. Individuals from diverse demographic backgrounds imbue state institutions with the right to perform their governance and law-enforcement duties, even after experiencing institutional incompetence or injustice. This article advances existing comparative research on legal institutions, which tends to conflate trust and legitimacy and overlooks the distinction between de facto performance and de jure authority. We suggest that rule-of-law institutions have deeper roots than some scholars have previously supposed.     

The influence of interest: Real US interest rates and bilateral investment treaties

Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) present developing countries with a trade-off. BITs plausibly increase access to international capital in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI), but at the cost of substantially curtailing a government’s policy autonomy. Nearly 3000 BITs have been entered into, suggesting that many countries have found this trade-off acceptable. But governments’ enthusiasm for signing and ratifying BITs has varied considerably across countries and across time. Why are BITs more popular in some places and times than others? We argue that capital scarcity is an important driver of BIT signings: The trade-off inherent in BITs becomes more attractive to governments as the need to secure access to international capital increases. More specifically, we argue that the coincidence of high US interest rates and net external financial liabilities heightens governments’ incentives to secure access to foreign capital, and therefore results in BIT signings. Empirical evidence is consistent with our theory.     

The Impact of Political Change on the State of Academia Including Academic Freedom in the Arab World: Libya as a Case Study

ABSTRACT

Furthering Western style academic freedom has been challenging, as Arab countries, especially Libya, have known only autocratic regimes throughout their modern existence. Amidst its current political and social upheaval, Libyan society is drifting towards the unknown. The problem addressed in this study is the impact of political change on the state of academia but, more specifically, academic freedom. Since the intervention in Libya by NATO states, many academics have lost their jobs. Some have become refugees outside of Libya as a direct result of the appropriation of most of the governmental posts in the country by religious and political radicals. The research questions reflect ways in which the new inserted de facto leaders of post-transitional Libya have impacted life on Libyan campuses and academic freedom.     

百年间国际政治经济秩序的转型压力——资本流动、产业——金融联系与自由秩序

当前,"新自由主义"国际秩序遭遇来自美国国内的严重冲击。这与一百年前,"古典自由主义"国际秩序遭遇来自英国国内的冲击十分类似。为何在一百年间,英美两国均遭遇国内对国际秩序的严重冲击?本文指出,各国不同的产业-金融联系是一项"关键前情"。在解除对资本跨国流动的管制后,英美两国疏远的产业-金融联系加剧了资本跨国流动带来的问题。由于缺乏国内利益纽带约束,能够"用脚投票"的英美两国资本生产意愿降低;相对当地政府以及普通民众的议价能力提升。资本分得更多的经济份额。由贫富分化引发的政治问题日益凸显。理性的政治家利用国内分化的政治结构,动员国内民众,给自由国际秩序构成巨大压力。与英美不同,德国等有着紧密产业-金融联系的国家,即便面临资本全球化浪潮,国内冲击自由秩序的压力相对较小。基于其政治经济安排的特点,中国能为维护国际秩序做出积极贡献。     

Readjustments in U.S. Cross-Taiwan Strait Policy

Washington had all along followed an ambiguity policy over its possible military intervention in a Taiwan contingency. However, recent years have witnessed readjustments towards＂ ＂double clarity＂ of a possible military response in case of a Chinese-initiated use of force and potential inaction in the event of a conflict derived from Taiwanese provocations to change the status quo by seeking de jure independence. In other words, it spells a policy shift toward ＂dual deterrence,＂ namely to deter the Chinese mainland from using force in seeking national reunification and to deter Taiwan from moving toward de jure independence. To prevent such eventuality, Washington made direct appeal to the Taiwan public to make clear its opposition to Taiwan independence.
The reasons behind the readjustments are not far to seek. They reflect shifts in U.S. strategic focus, changes in its China policy, political developments on both sides of the Taiwan Strait and President Bush＇s personal disgust with former Taiwan leader Chen Shuibian＇s cunning tricks.
However, resumption of Cross-Strait dialogue in the wake of the return to power of the Kuomintang （National Party） through the ballot in March may bring about new worries and possible further readjustments in U.S. cross-strait policy after the November presidential elections. Though uncertainties remain, in the pipeline may be an endeavor to prevent excessive cross-strait warmth and a possible tilt of Taiwan to the Chinese Mainland.     

以区域合作应对东亚金融风险

金融危机暴露出亚洲金融脆弱性：经济基本面未脱钩、私人资本主体区外流动、外汇储备管理陷入困境、汇率制度选择依赖美元、区域货币基金缺乏、金融市场欠发达。为应对上述金融风险,东亚国家需要加强区域金融合作。     

The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In need of a better performance?

Since the Mexican crisis in 1994, international financial markets are characterised by frequent turbulence. The two most important international organisations in that field, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, have been unable to provide sufficient stability. Surprisingly, the World Bank is in deeper trouble than the IMF. The decreasing importance of public capital flows has made the World Bank much less important than it used to be. Globalisation has led to increased private flows to the developing world, primarily in the form of foreign direct investment. In the long run, there will not be an important function for the World Bank any more. The opposite assessment has to be made for the IMF. The more globalisation progresses, the greater the need for an IMF. However, this does not mean that the Fund will survive in its current form. International financial markets have gained in importance, but they still lack many of the features that characterise the national financial sector. If globalisation shall be continued, we need those governance structures, e.g. a lender of last resort, at the international level. Markets need rules and regulations, and today these are often not existent at the international level. The need for an IMF will even rise, but it will have to be a different one.Abbreviations  CCL Contingent Credit Line - IMF International Monetary Fund - LTCM Long-term Capital ManagementSenior Research Associate, German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin, and Associate Fellow, Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation, University of Warwick.     

Economic Sanctions and the Politics of IMF Lending

What effect do economic sanctions have on the IMF lending decisions? Though countries under economic sanctions often face significant economic and financial difficulties, no comprehensive research to date has explored whether the IMF as a de facto lender of last resort intervenes in those countries in need. We posit that economic coercion is likely to hinder the target’s access to IMF credits as sanctioning (sender) countries are likely to use their political influence in the IMF to deny funds to the destabilized target economies. To assess the empirical merits of the hypothesis, we combine data on the IMF lending with the economic sanctions data for 120 emerging market economies from 1975 to 2005. Results indicate that target countries are less likely to receive IMF funds, especially when under sanctions by the United States and international institutions. Our findings contradict the conventional wisdom that the IMF is tasked with providing lifelines to member governments in need of help to ease their short-term balance of payment problems. Further, as much as IMF loans can be used as positive inducements to acquire a country’s strategic cooperation, we show that they might also be used by sender countries as a punishment tool against target countries to amplify the impact of sanctions regimes.     

Explaining Styles of Financial Market Opening in Chile, Mexico, South Korea, and Turkey

This study examines financial opening in middle-income countries and identifies the variables that shape its basic features. We find that the widely noted increase in international capital mobility has not constrained financial policy-making equally across states. A country's economic conditions and need for external funds determine its government's bargaining power vis-à-vis international actors and domestic groups with respect to financial policy. Governments with low bargaining power, because domestic economic conditions are poor or need for external funds is high, must open financial markets completely to attract or retain capital. Conversely, governments with high bargaining power may be able to retain some controls on capital flows or deny foreign banks access to domestic markets and still have access to capital.
To explore these issues, this article looks at opening in Chile, Mexico, South Korea, and Turkey. These countries opened their financial systems in very different ways. Turkey and Mexico liberalized their markets almost completely, whereas Korea (1980–98) kept barriers to capital entry and Chile (1991–98) retained barriers to capital exit. Although economic conditions explain the basic style of financial opening, they cannot account for the residual barriers that persist in mostly open markets or the pace and timing of reforms. Domestic political factors, particularly, the interests of leaders and key social groups as well as their relative bargaining power, help to explain these variables. The paper develops a typology of styles of financial opening to encourage systematic thinking about the origins and consequences of differences in style.     

China outperforms India in the oil industry in Angola and Nigeria

ABSTRACT

The article asserts that China’s NOCs have trumped Indian oil companies in four ways. First, Chinese NOCs have more oil blocks in Angola and Nigeria relative to Indian oil companies. Second, NOCs from China are able to outbid Indian oil companies if and when they directly compete for the same oil blocks. Third, Chinese NOCs have better quality oil blocks compared to Indian oil companies. Fourth, Chinese NOCs are preferred as partners by African NOCs and international oil companies. It provides a more comprehensive explanation of the above observations by examining macro level factors such as difference in the economic, political and diplomatic support received by the Chinese and Indian oil companies from their respective governments and foreign exchange reserves and micro level factors such as access to capital, rate of return on investment, pricing of oil and risk aversion.     

后金融危机下的区域货币合作

东南亚金融危机中,东南亚各国在盯住美元的汇率制度下付出了沉重的代价。危机过后,我国实行有管理的浮动汇率制度,然而金融风暴再次袭来又对我国经济产生了较大影响。综合各种因素,本文阐述了后金融危机时期保持人民币汇率稳定是现实选择。而近期人民币汇率的稳定也充当了区域汇率政策协调的稳定器。只有进一步推进东南亚货币合作进程,才能最为有效地防止危机再次发生,保证东南亚地区经济的稳定。     

The Catalytic Effect of IMF Lending: Evidence from Sectoral FDI Data

Our study contributes to the search for the elusive catalytic effect of International Monetary Fund (IMF) lending on inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI). Recent scholarship has found that the catalytic effect is conditional on political regime and program stringency. We contribute to this literature by developing and testing a theory which describes how the catalytic effect also varies by economic sector. This is a departure from existing studies, which have tended to focus on aggregate FDI flows after crises. Our findings corroborate previous research, which finds that in general IMF lending has a substantial and negative effect on FDI. However, we find that the negative effect is concentrated in sectors that are highly dependent on external capital and have low sunk costs in the host country. Our findings are robust to several alternative explanations common in IMF literature, namely the importance of IMF program design and the ability of governments to make credible commitments to reform. Substantively, our findings suggest that investors are more likely to use IMF lending as an escape hatch in countries where FDI is dependent on external capital and has low sunk costs.     

中国东盟区域金融合作：汇率制选择探析

随着中国东盟贸易的迅速发展和双边合作的进一步加强,汇率作为国内和国外经济联系的纽带,其汇率制度的选择以及实施什么样的汇率政策,已经成为中国东盟国家经济贸易发展中面临的重要问题之一。1994年的墨西哥货币危机和1998年的东南亚货币危机,从某种意义上说,几乎都直接体现在汇率水平的异动上,汇率水平的异动往往与汇率制度的变迁紧密地联系在一起。因此,中国东盟间的金融合作就必须要解决汇率问题,以加强政策的宏观协调。一、国际货币体系下汇率制度的演变汇率制度是对汇率变动的一种约束机制,可以是完全约束、部分约束,也可以是放弃约束…     

De Facto States in International Politics (1945–2011): A New Data Set

Sovereign states remain the primary units of analysis in conflict research. Yet, the empirical record suggests that the international system includes a wider range of actors whose behavior is relevant for conflict outcomes. This article introduces De Facto States in International Politics (1945–2011), a new data set dedicated to understanding the behavior of de facto states—separatist statelike entities such as Abkhazia. I begin by explaining why de facto states deserve attention. Further, I provide a definition of the de facto state that separates it from cognate phenomena. Thereafter, I offer an overview of the data set and illustrate its utility by demonstrating how it contributes to the literatures on war and state making, civil war, and rebel governance.